SUMMARY OF THE REGULAR DEVELOPMENT OF INDO-EUROPEAN SOUNDS IN OLD IRISH
II. SOUNDS SOMETIMES VOCALIC, SOMETIMES CONSONANTAL
(i u n m η r l)
IE. i
196. 1. IE. vocalic i = i § 57, = e § 73 f.; lengthened to í § 210 (íu § 71b), cp. also § 45 ff. IE. ī = í § 58a.
2. i-diphthongs
IE. ai (ǝi) = aí áe oí óe § 66 f.; in final syllables, see § 298. IE. ei = é, ía § 53.
IE. oi = oí óe aí áe § 66 f.; in final syllables, see § 286.
Long vowelled i-diphthongs are rarely attested with any certainty: ōi § 285 ; āi (?) § 296 ; ēi (?) § 375.
197. 3. Consonantal i
In medial position after consonants unstressed syllabic i in hiatus (more exactly ii + ̯) has fallen together with consonantal i + ̯, as also with earlier ei + ̯. The original presence of one or other of these sounds is indicated chiefly by the palatal quality of the preceding consonant; a further trace may be seen in the glides i and e before final u and a. For other effects of their combination with the vowels of earlier final syllables, see § 94.
There is accordingly no distinction between aile fem. 'another', orig. *ali + ̯ā, (Gk. ϭλλη), and caire
'blame' (OW. cared) < *karii + ̯ā; nor between ·gairem 'we call' < *gari + ̯omo(s) (according to others,
however, < *garī + ̯ mo(s)) and ad·suidem 'we hold fast' < *sodei + ̯omo(s).
To some extent they can be distinguished with the aid of Britannic, where ii + ̯ becomes iδ in original penultimate (stressed) syllables; and i + ̯ either remains or coalesces with the preceding consonant.
In the present work ï and i + ̯ are not differentiated in attempted reconstructions of basic forms.
198. Medial intervocalic i + ̯ seems to have disappeared very early except after i; cp. -121-
máo mó 'greater' < *mō-i + ̯ōs (?). ·táu ·tó 'I am', probably < *stāi + ̯ō (but it might also be < *stāō).
In Irish it has disappeared after i also, e.g. bíuu, ·bíu: = W. byddaf 'I am wont to be' (*bhii + ̯ō).
199. Initial i + ̯ has disappeared, e.g.
oac óac 'young', Mid.W. ieuanc, Bret. yaouank, Gaul. Iouinca Iouincillus, Lat. iuuencus, Goth. juggs, Skt. yuvaśáḥ.
ét 'jealousy', W. add-iant 'longing', cp. Gaul. Iantumarus Ientumarus Iantullus. aig 'ice' (§ 302, 1 ), W. ia (stem i + ̯agi-), cp. ON. iaki '(ice-)floe'.
áth (u-stem) 'ford', if cognate with Lat. iānua, Skt. yā + ́ti 'goes' (according to others it is connected with W. adwy Bret. ode oade 'breach, pass', RC. XXIX. 70 ).
IE. u
200. 1. IE. vocalic u = u § 64 (lengthened to ū § 44b, 46b ), = 0 § 73 f. (lengthened to ó, úa § 62 );
IE. ū = ú § 65.
2. u-diphthongs:
IE. au = áu, ó, úa §§ 69a, 60.
IE. eu = ó, úa § 60.
IE. ou, = ó, úa § 60.
IE. ōu = áu (ó) § 69b (cp. § 60 ).
201. 3. Consonantal u (w) seems to have early become spirant (bilabial υ = ß) initially and after consonants; it never causes u-quality in the preceding consonant.
(a) υ remains (written b) after lenited r, l, n, d, e.g.
berb(a)id 'boils', W. berwi, Lat. feruere. tarb 'bull', W. tarw, Gaul. (inscription) TARVOS. selb 'possession', W. helw.
banb 'sucking pig', W. banw, cp. Gaul. Banuus Banuo. -122-
fedb 'widow', W. gweddw (i.e. *widwā for earlier *widhuwā or *widhewā, cp. Goth. widuwō, Gk. ϭιθεος).
Bodb, war goddess, Gaul. Boduo-gnatus Boduo-genus.
The gen. sg. fem. deirbbæ indeirbbæ inderbbæ Sg. 66b15. 16. 18, from derb 'certain' (Mod.Ir. dearbh ),
(b) In the period before w- had become v-, m + w became w, which in Irish developed like -w- in other cases (§ 205 ); e.g. co(a)ir cóir, Mid.W. cyweir, 'proper' < *co(m)wari-; for further examples cp. § 830 A
1; cp. also Gaul. Couirus Dubno-couirus and W. cywir 'correct, true' < *com-wīro-. After the development
of w- to v- the m (μ) of the prep. com- coalesced with v to give v (ß), written b, e.g.
cubus 'conscience' < *com-wissu-s (fiuss 'knowledge').
cobsud 'stable', from com- and fossad 'firm'.
coblige 'copulation' for com-fo-lige (cp. W. gwe-ly 'bed', cy-we-ly 'bed-mate').
Sometimes, by analogy with the simplex, bf is written, e.g. cobfodlus Ml. 22b1 beside cobodlus
'fellowship' (fodail 'share').
Since -b- was here felt to stand for -f-, cob- is employed to render Latin conf- also; e.g. cobais, coibse (really the dative form) 'confessio'.
202. In absolute anlaut there is a further development of v to f; e.g. fír 'true', W. gwir, Lat. vērus, etc. (§ 133 ).
The pronunciation v- is retained only after a nasalizing final (§ 236, 1 ).
The only initial groups are fr and fl; e.g. froích 'heather' (W. grug for *gwrug), flaith 'lordship' (W. gwlad
'country'). olann 'wool' (the name of an article of commerce) was apparently borrowed from Britannic
*wlan-, cp. W. gwlan, Bret. gloan.
Alternation of f and b (=ß) often accompanies the change of accent in compound verbs; e.g. for·fen 'completes', partc. forbaide 'completed'; ad·fét 'relates', do·ad-bat 'shows'.
The transition v > f is not early. Ogam inscriptions have the same sign for both initial and medial w; and down to the end of the sixth century Latinized names include forms like Uennianus, Uinniani, Uinniauo, where, however, nn for nd (Ir. find 'fair') suggests Britannic rather than Irish phonology.
f (ph) also represents lenited sw, i.e. hv; in syllabic auslaut it becomes ß (written b), see § 132.
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203. (d) After all other consonants consonants w disappeared, e. g. sïur 'sister', W. chwaer pl. chwiorydd, Skt. svásā, Goth. swistar. dáu 'two', Skt. dvau (but dau also in W., etc.).
ard ardd art (unlenited d) 'high', Lat. arduos.
ceth(a)ir 'four', OW. petguar, Skt. catvā + ́raḥ, Goth. fidwōr. ech 'horse'. Lat. eguos, Skt. áśvaḥ.
ingen 'nail' < ingw.., W. ewin. For c, ch < qw, see § 223.
If fíadu 'witness' (§ 330 ) and bibdu 'culprit' (§ 323, 4, O.Bret. bibid) are old perfect participles ending originally in -wōs, they show that w disappeared early before ū. Cp. cú 'hound'. W. ci (not *pi), for *kwū ?
Since lenited sw and lenited p have the same form (i.e. f, ph), p may be used instead of s to represent unlenited sw. Thus the verb corresponding to airfitiud 'entertaining with music' has 3 pl. pres.
ar·pe(i)tet instead of ·sétet (simplex sétid 'blows'). Forms with b- are also found, e.g. ar·beittet SP.
( Thes. 11. 295, 17), owing to the frequent interchange of p- and b- (§ 920 ). The late simplex peted, v.g. IT. 111. 193 § 25, seems to have been extracted from the compound.
204. After vowels w at first remained as a semi-vowel.
(e) It has completely disappeared: 1. In lenited initial position, see § 133.
In the second element of compounds it is sometimes preserved (as u) in archaic sources; e.g. Bres-ual (later Bres(s)al ) man's name (Ält. ir. Dicht. 11. 42); nech dud·uoeaster (read ·uoestar) 'whosoever
may have eaten (perfective subj.) it' (de-fo-ed-) Ériu VIII. 146 § 4. 2. After i, í, é (ía), e.g.
bí , voc. gen. sg. of béu 'living', < *biwe*biwi. (dat. bíu < *bi(w)u).
ro·fistar 'will know', reduplicated future, < *wiwest(a)r (§ 659 ).
If 'colour, splendour', W. lliw.
día, gen. dé , 'God', < *dēwas, *dēwi; deacht 'divinity'.
glé 'clear', cp. W. gloew.
It has also disappeared after u, e.g.
druí 'wizard', gen. druad, nom. pl. druid (stem dru-wid-). luæ 'rudder', W. llyw.
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205. (f) With other preceding vowels w often combines to form a diphthong.
1. ā + ́ + w give áu, which however is in transition to ō, ū + ̆, where the change is not yet complete. See § 69. For Dauid (Dauíd in SR.) Ml. writes Duid 14b8, Duaid 2b5, 30a9.
In awi awe, when the last vowel lost its syllabic value, the triphthong aui arose, which became oí at an early period (§§ 67d, 69e ); cp. also con·oí 'guards', pl. con·oat, Lat. auere; oal 'bucca' Sg. 22b8, gen.
oíle, W. awel 'wind'.
2. Original ew and ow had fallen together at an early period as ow, which then turned into the diphthong óu. This, however, is rarely preserved; medially before consonants it has become ó, úa (§ 60 ), before vowels and in final position áu, which further develops to ō, ū + ̆ as in 1. (§ 72 ). Cp.
loor lour 'enough' < *lower- (W. llawer 'much'), where the vocalism -or -ur shows the influence of former
-w-
loathar 'basin' (contracted: lóthur lóthor ), Mid.Bret. louar, Gk. λοετρον.
owe owi, when the second syllable is lost, become oí (§ 67d ); cp. also ·foíret, prototonic form of fo·ferat 'they cause'.
3. Between unstressed vowels w in groups 1. and 2. has left no trace, cp.
tan(a)e 'thin' < *tanawio-s, Mid.W. teneu. (Mid. Bret. tanau, Corn. tanow).
mad(a)e 'vain, futile', O.Bret. madau. ·cúala 'I heard' < *cochlow(a?), § 687.
-b(a)e, enclitic form of boí (*bowe?) 'he was', § 789.
·com(a)i, prototonic form of con·oí .
206. 4. With e < i (§ 73 ) w combines in final position to give the diphthong éu éo (§ 70b ); medially it disappears as a rule. Examples: béu béo ' living, alive' < *bewas (earlier *biwos), W. byw, whwnce
béoigidir 'vivifies'; beothu (read béothu?) 'life' only Wb. 3c2, otherwise bethu, gen. and dat. always
bethad, beth(a)id. Cp. also dead and diad 'end' = W. diwedd, dat. sg. deud diud, adj. dédenach dídenach.
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Consonantal Nasals
207. IE. n = n § 189. For lenition (v) and non-lenition see §§ 120 f., 135, 140;
nr > rr § 154a ; nl and ln > ll § 153a, e.
IE. m = m § 190, final -n § 176. For lenition (μ) see § 134
IE. η (guttural nasal) -- η (written n) § 191.
Before g, d, b all nasals become η, n, m respectively, §§ 189 191 ; but not where this contact is due to syncope, e.g. náimdea náimtea (ace,. pl.) 'enemies', mainbed (ma-ni-) 'if it were not'.
Earlier nm and mn remain unchanged, e.g. ainm 'name', comnessam 'neighbour'.
208. Nasals are lost before t- and k- sounds, which become the unlenited (geminated) mediae d and g. A preceding ĭ, o + ̆, or ŭ remains unchanged; ĕn (including ĕn < IE. n + ̥, § 214 ) and ăn become é in stressed syllables (in unstressed we find corresponding short vowels, which may be secondary shortenings of é, § 43 ). Examples:
ro·icc ric(c) 'reaches' (ricc a less 'needs it'), with c(c) = g(g), from ·iηk-; cp. Bret. ren + ̄kout ran + ̄
kout 'to be obliged to', Mid.W. cyfranc 'encounter'.
tocad (togad § 31b ) 'luck', with c = g(g), Bret. ton + ̄ket 'fate', TUNCCETACE (Lat. gen. in Wales), Ogam TOGITTACC, Goth. þeihan 'to prosper'.
cotlud 'sleep', with t = d(d), for *con-tolud, vb.n. of con·tu(i)li 'sleeps'.
arch. tu·thēgot 'who come' Cam., later do·thíagat, < *·teigont.
slucid 'swallows', 3 pl. slogait Ml. 123d3, O.Bret. ro-luncas 'has swallowed', Mod.Bret. loun + ̄ka lon + ̄ka
'to swallow'.
sét 'way' (u-stem) < *scentu-, W. hynt Bret,. hent, O.Brit. Gabro-senti (placename), OHG. sind OE. sīþ
'journey', Goth. sinþs 'time' (e.g. in ainamma sinþa 'once'); cp. Goth. sandjan 'to send'.
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cétal 'song' (forcetal forcital 'teaching'), W. cathl, < *kantlon, Bret. kentel 'lesson'.
carat (i.e. -ad) 'friend's' < *karantos (§ 324 ), acc. pl. cairtea cairdea syncopated from *cared(d)a.
cét (neut. o-stem) 'hundred', Mod.Ir. céad, W. cant, Skt. śatám, Lat. centum, Lith. šim + ̃tas, Goth. hund, orig. *k + ̑tn + ̥m or *k + ̑m + ̥tóm.
éc (u-stem) 'death', Mod.Ir. éag (Bret. ankou, really nom. pl. *ɳkewes -owes), cognate with Gk. νεκυς,
etc. ; cp. O.Ir.
techt do écaib (dat. pl.) 'dying', lit. 'going to the dead (pl.)'.
The stages of this development were probably as follows. First, k and t were intensified (geminated), as after r and l (§ 121 ). The nasal then coalesced with the preceding vowel into a nasal vowel: į, ǫ, ų, ę, ą. After these nasal vowels the geminates became voiced (gg, dd). Subsequently į ǫ ų lost their nasal quality and became i o u, while ą and ę fell together as the nasal vowel ę. The latter was lengthened, perhaps only when stressed, and later changed into purely oral ē (or e). If Andros (Pliny) and ϭδρου ϭρημος (Ptolemy) correspond to later Benn Étair 'Hill of Howth' (Pokorny, ZCP. xv. 195), they may be regarded as representing the pronunciation ądr- ( < antr-).
The development was complete before the time of syncope; later nt remains unchanged, e.g. cinta 'faults' < *cinuth-a.
For the ō in cóie 'five' see § 392.
209. The above é, like compensatorily lengthened é in § 125, is never diphthongized to ía. In two words it becomes (also like compensatorily lengthened é, § 55 ) éu éo before i- and u- quality consonants, namely in the masculine o-stems
ét 'jealousy', gen. éuit éoit, dat. éut(t) , cp. Gaul. Iantu-marus § 199, and
sét 'chattel, unit of value', pl. nom. séuit, ace. séotu.
séotu is also found later as acc. pl. of sét 'path' (u-stem), but in view of dat. sg. séit (éi = é, § 54 ) Wb. 24a17, the first form is undoubtedly due to the attraction of the other sét.
In all the remaining examples this diphthongization never occurs cét, gen. céit; méit 'size', Mid.W. meint; bréc 'lie', acc. sg. bréic, Skt, bhraṃśaḥ 'fall, desistance'; rét (u-stem) 'thing', dat.sg. rét, acc. pl. rétu. cp. Skt. rátnam 'property'; dét 'tooth', dat. sg. déit, W. dant; also cét- 'first' < *kentu- (§ 393 ).
The presence or absence of diphthongization has been attributed to a difference in the origin of the é, but this is not confirmed by the examples. The fact that diphthongization is confined to one particular class of flexion points to analogical formation, for which words like én 'bird' gen. éoin, mér 'finger' gen. méoir, etc., probably supplied the model.
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210. n before s and ch disappears, but lengthens a preceeding short vowel. The s is unlenited (= ss). Here too a(n) gives é, which is never diphthongized to ía or éu. Examples:
fés 'beard', O.Pruss. wanso 'first beard', Polish wąs 'moustache'.
cés(s)aid (weak verb) 'suffers', < kent-t. . or kn + ̥t-t. . > kens(s) . ., Lith. kenčiù (č < t) 'I suffer'. drésacht 'creaking of wheels', Lat. drensare 'to cry' (of swans).
éscid 'alert' (§ 872e ).
mís, gen. of mí month', < IE. *mēns-os (§ 58b), W. mis 'month'.
ríchtu 'reaching', vb.n. of r-ic (§ 208 above); similarly s-subj. r-ís(s) -, probably < iηchs- (§ 221 ); with short vowel in unstressed syllable: ·airecht, prototonic form of ar·cht 'was found' (pres. ind. ar·ic ) , cumacht(a)e 'power', cp. con·ic(c) 'he can'.
técht(a)e 'proper, right', W. teithi 'characteristics, qualities', cognate with tocad 'luck' (§ 208 above).
But in compounds containing the prepositions en- and comthe vowel is not lengthened, e.g. esnaisse for
*en-snaisse 'grafted', partc. of in·snaid 'grafts'; dessid (de-en-s. .) 'has sat down' (§ 534 ); cosnam
'contending' (com-sním).
Here the vowel was short from the earliest period. Cp. W. eistedd O.Bret. estid 'sitting, seat', probably for
*en-s..deδ -iδ, Gaul. essedum 'car with seat, chariot'; W. cyssedd 'sitting together'.
211. The only initial groups beginning with a nasal are mr, ml, e.g,. mruig 'land', mliuchtae 'milch'. mn- only < bn- in mná 'woman's' (§§ 190b, 291, 1 ).
Consonantal r, l
212. IE. r = r § 192, = l § 193b ; final -r § 175 ; for lenition and non-lenition see §§ 119 f., 135.
IE. l = l § 193, = r § 192b ; for lenition see §§ 119 f., 135, 140.
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