Statement of the problem

Bennell (2000); Bowen, Morara and Muriithi (2000) and Nyerere (2009) observe that in most developing countries VET is a sub-sector of the education system that generates little attention or budget provision, resulting in poor infrastructure and insufficient facilities. In Kenya, under- investment in skill training for institutions such as YPs results in understaffing, a lack of or obsolete physical infrastructure (workshops) and poor quality tools, leading to low-quality education that is not synchronised with the requirements of the labour market or local livelihoods (Nyerere, 2009). Thus, TVET graduates face numerous challenges in the workplace because they lack the skills needed by industry.

Discrepancy of skills acquisition between the training institutions and the industry is a challenge that the Kenyan government needs to address to realise improved productivity from TVET graduates if economic progress is to be achieved (Kitainge, 2003a; United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2010; Wachira et al., 2009). As TVET competes for limited public resources, it is critical to ensure the training system meet the country‘s expectation (Fretwell, 2003). Indeed, Report of the Presidential Working Party on Education (Kamunge, 1998) and Manpower Training for the Next Decade and Beyond and Koech‘s 2000 Commission of Inquiry into the Education System of Kenya both called for education that emphasised relevance, access, quality and the introduction of TVET in the education system to enhance social development and equity. However, the government seems unwilling or unable to fully implement the recommendations in these reports (Kitainge, 2003a). Furthermore, translating skills development into skills utilisation, and therefore economic growth and poverty reduction, is dependent on

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various factors like quality of education, supportive environment, facilitative infrastructure and a conducive work environment (Tikly, 2010).

Over the past years, the GoK has formulated policies that address the constraints facing MSE, as seen in Sessional paper No. 2 of 1992 on Small Enterprise and Jua Kali Development in Kenya (1992) and the National Development Plan (GoK, 2002). But the policy notes that results for MSE on-the-job training were not based on empirical data. For example, although the Development Plan 1984–1988 (GoK, 1984) positively identified and incorporated the informal MSE sector into the overall fiscal planning, its affirmations of the vital role played by the sector to employment creation were largely rhetorical (Barasa & Kaabwe, 2001). While in the consecutive Development Plan 1989–1993 (GoK, 1989) the government gave special recognition to the jua kali sector, it also acknowledged that this sector had been neglected and its contribution to job creation and income distribution had not been recognised.

The GoK however acknowledges the importance of the MSE sector, as shown in the report entitled A Strategy for Small Enterprise Development in Kenya Towards the Year 2000 (GoK, 1999). This report called for in-depth research on specific target groups in the informal sector to determine their training needs. A number of scholars have responded to this call with empirical research, for example Kitainge (2003a), Voices of the Stakeholders: A Case of Power Mechanics in Kenya; Barasa and Kaabwe (2001), Fallacies in Policy and Strategies of Skills Training for the Informal Sector: Evidence of the Jua Kali Sector in Kenya; and, Bowen, Morara and Muriithi (2009), Management of Business Challenges Among Small and Micro Enterprises in Nairobi- Kenya. While these scholars have made progress in advancing understanding of training in MSE through empirical evidence, there is still more to be known about skills acquisition. This is apparent in government documents such as the KESSP (GoK, 2005) and Kenya Vision 2030 (GoK, 2007), which exposed skill shortages across industry.

This research seeks to build on the above reports and research papers by developing a T&D framework and using it to examine multiple key stakeholder perceptions of the T&D system in one industry sector heavily reliant on TVET education.‖ This is because as Wagonhurst (2002, p. 79) notes,

Training programs can be tremendously effective when specifically tied to business strategies, when developed specifically in response to data compiled from the comprehensive needs assessment, when methodologies emphasize skill development and learner involvement, and when they are not considered a magical solution for every performance problem.

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In addition, as Newman (2001) argues tackling social and policy issues in public service delivery is best done through involving a broader range of stakeholders, leading to improved policy steering. Policy steering recognizes that governments realise that they cannot solve complex social problems on their own and therefore the need to involve other interested parties. This study intends to gather data from multiple stakeholders to advance the social, economic and political discourses in the MVRSI skill training.

For the purpose of a comprehensive study, the research will be limited to the MVRSI, which is a skill-based industry employing mechanics, tuners, welders, electricians and tailors. TVET is a vital means of acquiring skills for these trades. Moreover, this segment of industry is important because owning a car in Kenya is a status symbol and therefore many people, especially the middle classes, go to great lengths to acquire a car irrespective of its age or mechanical condition. Relatively ‗new‘ cars are most likely to be imported as a reconditioned model, which requires ongoing repair and services. The poor state of the roads and the alarming rate of accidents (GoK, 2003c) compound problems for motor vehicle owners in Kenya. Due to a combination of these factors, the MVRSI is a thriving industry, and it is not uncommon to find a six-acre yard (e.g. Kigandaini in Thika town) with several small open-air garages in towns across Kenya (Kinyanjui, 2000).