Stereotypes: crossing the boundaries

suggest a rehearsal for later life. Arguably, as suggested by Kellett (2010), this type of play situates childhood in the paradigm of adult in waiting. As argued by Thorne (1993), what the child will become is controlled by adult gate-keepers, who through their

responses to children’s particular behaviours seek to determine the final product. Children are encouraged by adults to learn socially expected norms whereby opposite traits are found to be attractive in the other but are not similarly valued in the same gender and are in fact often viewed as unacceptable. Failing to conform to these norms can often be the source of many adults’ concerns and focus; behaviours that do not conform to the model may cause anxiety for some, in particular fathers (for example: Lobel and Menashri, 1993;

Archer and Lloyd, 2002).

3.6.4 Stereotypes: crossing the boundaries

In general, society overtly discourages effeminate or sissy type behaviour in boys.

Conversely, as noted by Archer and Lloyd (2002), whilst not necessarily encouraged, a girl being classified as a ‘tomboy’ is tolerated. Maccoby (2002) observed that boys use

derogatory terms against other boys as early as preschool, if it is deemed that their choice of play is too girlie, yet girls’ ‘tomboy’ behaviour is not so closely regulated. This contrast suggests that boys’ behaviour is more clearly defined, fixed and gender exclusive: ‘clearly an essential element in becoming masculine is becoming not-feminine, whilst girls can be feminine without having to prove that they are not masculine’ (ibid, 2002:52). Antill (1987) established that adults, parents in particular, assumed that cross-gender play in boys, more than in girls, was an indicator of homosexuality. I have found that whilst it is not uncommon for women to openly claim that they were tomboys growing up, I have yet to meet a heterosexual man who would readily define his early behaviour as being that of a sissy. It is suggested by Connell (2002) that, as boys are more likely to be subjected to overt and stronger peer pressure to conform to gender appropriate behaviours than girls are, boys from an early age consider other boys exhibiting feminised behaviour to be aberrant.

According to Karniol (2011), adults will use and reinforce specific types of gender play in order to distinguish between male and female appropriate social cues. It is claimed that

‘(d)olls, especially fashion dolls, and action figures are probably the most

gender-stereotyped of all children’s toys’ (Karniol, 2011:122). McNiff (1982) notes that girls are

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often reported as preferring Barbie and Bratz type dolls whilst boys will happily play with superhero figures. Nevertheless, according to March (1999), it is important that these toys for boys are not called dolls. These figures are often viewed as being associated with violence, which is a male characteristic, whilst dolls are generally associated with girls and demonstrate nurturing attributes (Blakemore and Centres, 2005).

Further, Skodol (2005: 52) observed that ‘parents seem more concerned about appropriate gender role behavior with boys than with girls’ and parents will actively prohibit some behaviours in order to get boys to conform to what they consider to be gender appropriate behaviour (Skodol, 2005.). By the time children reach early preschool—age three—there is evidence of avoidance of toys, children and clothes of the wrong gender; however, as noted by Eliot (2009), the children are still relatively tolerant of other children’s gender behaviour. It could be argued that children of this age are more focused on their own world than the behaviour of others. By four, Elliot (2009) claims, there are signs of rigidity and early policing of mainly boys’ gender play by other boys, but it is not until about six that teasing related to sexuality is used by children to challenge cross-gender behaviours.

Renold (2001) noted that boys who exhibit feminised behaviours are often teased and incur derisive comments such as sissy or poof. In contrast, girls who do not adhere to the gender norms do not tend to be subjected to the same derogatory homophobic taunts. Renold further observed that children of primary school age often target males who appear to exhibit behaviours that are identified with female qualities where it can ‘throw into doubt a boy’s heterosexuality thereby creating the potential for these behaviour and practices to be

“homosexualized”’ (2001:376). According to Martin and Halverston (1981) these heteronormative associations appear to emerge and develop as children become more aware of the binary sex categories and begin to identify with their own sex type. These features and behaviours are carried out and practised in their interactions with others. As children learn to associate with their own sex they become motivated by same-sex (in-group) and rejected opposite-sex (out-(in-group) stereotypes and expectations.

Martin and Ruble (2009) suggest that it is at the pre-school age that children start to imitate observed adult roles. Children’s imaginative play anticipates adult relationships, which often reflect stories and programmes, and where there is an expectation of two people of the opposite sex being mum and dad. Orenstein (2006) claims that play behaviours will also reflect media trends; for example, many girls currently conform to the princess culture

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where girls are encouraged to await their prince. Kimmel (2005) argues that there are many who suggest that early nonconformity to these gender roles, especially in boys, will produce homosexuality, but it has been found that ‘most boys who report such behavior turn out to be heterosexual’ (Kimmel, 2005:17). Despite this, misperceptions persist, where assumptions are made that centre on particular associated behaviours. This can result in particular masculine and feminine behaviours being valued and promoted, and where exaggerated, almost caricatured gender behaviours can be observed (ibid). One such example of this could be the current trend for all things pink being associated with exaggerated femininity.

This study seeks to examine how adults interpret their own and the children’s interactions, to determine if gender is a salient factor in children’s behaviours in the pre-5 environment.

The investigation includes the examination of whether the practitioners are aware of children creating, strengthening or resisting stereotypes. To understand why these stereotypes persist and result in social divisions, it is necessary to examine research into some of the social practices that continue to perpetuate them. In the next chapter I will examine and discuss previous pertinent research into toys and colour preferences that often appear to confirm and endorse gender stereotypes. The examination of colour, in

particular pink, comes from the current commercial focus on pink and toys, as these are often the main sources for promoting early child development, as well as being a particular focus that emerged during the research discussions. The examination of these two areas will help identify key aspects of gender stereotypes that possibly reproduce and perpetuate beliefs and behaviours associated with gender.

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