This chapter describes the method, results and conclusions of a mixed-methods investigation of affective responses to an outdoor walk and the role of social relations in future PA
behaviour. Quantitative results are presented for this study, with some of the qualitative results briefly used to inform the discussion of the quantitative results. Some of the
qualitative results are later used in the qualitative synthesis in chapter five. Implications for a future potential intervention are discussed.
Introduction
As outlined in the literature review chapter, the limited number of longitudinal studies finding a positive relationship between affective responses to exercise and future physical activity behaviour were all laboratory-based (Kwan & Bryan, 2010; Schneider, Dunn & Cooper, 2009; Williams et al., 2008, and Williams et al., 2012). There is very little research looking at affective responses to outdoor walking, with the exceptions of DaSilva et al (2011) and Focht (2009), who both found greater improvements in affective responses during a short outdoor walk versus treadmill walking. This unique affective benefit of outdoor versus indoor walking suggests limitations to the generalisability of laboratory-based studies, however affective responses to outdoor exercise have not been examined longitudinally. Lee, Emerson and Williams (2016) speculate that physical activities which have an immediate purpose (such as walking for transport) might have more positive affective responses compared with types of exercise with no immediate purpose other than to expend energy (such as running on a treadmill or walking on a track). The purpose of exercise might therefore be important to the affective response, as well as the exercise environment, however there has been very little research focus on the sort of everyday, outdoor walking which is often promoted by
governments and health authorities, e.g. Public Health England (2018), NHS (2019). An exception is walking for commuting, such as Gatersleben and Uzzell’s (2007) finding that walking is a pleasant and relaxing form of commuting compared with cycling, public transport and driving.
Given the volume of research into health behaviour change, the literature is remarkably quiet on the subject of New Year’s resolutions (NYRs), a time when a large proportion of people pause to reflect on their health and resolve to improve it. According to a 2013 YouGov survey in the US, out of 1000 people polled, 32% said they had made at least one New Year’s
resolution, though as a one-off survey there was no information available on success rates. Although most of the (rare) studies of New Year’s resolutions are relatively old and little mention is made of physical activity (e.g. Marlatt & Kaplan, 1972; Norcross, Ratzin & Payne (1989); Norcross, Myrkalo & Blagys (2002)) more recent analysis of YouGov poll results (2013) found that ‘get fitter/do more exercise’ was the most popular resolution after ‘lose weight’, with 51% of resolvers aiming for more physical activity. This seems an important research opportunity to track spontaneous self-initiated behaviour change attempts.
Goal setting and goal striving (such as making and following NYRs) are related to affect and social identity, amongst other processes (Mann, Ridder & Fujita, 2013). Enhancing positive affect can lead to reducing defensiveness over health behaviour risks (Aspinwall & Brunhart, 1996), and self-regulation theories propose a role of affect in assessing goal progress, with positive affect indicating better than expected progress and negative affect suggesting slower than anticipated progress towards goals (Carver, 2004).
Social identity (the part of self-concept obtained from group membership (Tajfel & Turner, 1979)) is also related to health goals. Self-categorisation as a group member can be
powerfully positive, as well as negative, in terms of health behaviour. Mann, Ridder and Fujita (2013) give the example of Oyserman, Fryberg and Yoder’s 2007 research with
students of different ethnic groups, finding that students who identify strongly with particular social or ethnic minority groups may not adopt health goals as these are seen to be typical of the ‘majority’ and therefore not of the minority.
There is the possibility, conversely, of social identity being employed in more positive ways. Haslam, Jetten, Postmes and Haslam (2009) use the example of the social identity of an aerobics group being developed through ongoing social interactions and associated positive social comparisons and emotions, with this social identity related to willingness to participate in aerobics sessions (Laverie, 1998). The study by Laverie (1998) is particularly interesting in the way it examines social identity, social comparisons and the ‘feelings’ (more correctly in terms of the definitions in chapter 1, ‘emotions’) that participants associated with their exercise classes before, during, after and when missed. Laverie outlined four different groups: ‘Totally Immersed’ (avid participants with major motivation being positive feelings
associated with aerobics), ‘Socially Influenced’ (social interaction was their primary motivation), ‘Outcome Focused’ (primary motivation was weight loss) and ‘Detached Performers’ (major motivations were the way aerobics made them feel, the instructor and an ‘addiction’ to aerobics). Laverie found that ‘the majority of participants, all except the Outcome Focused group, participated in aerobics because of how it made them feel. Both positive psychological and physical feelings emerged frequently.’ (p 298). These feelings, however, were those discussed by participants during interviews about aerobics classes, which may differ from those expressed by participants during the exercise session itself (Rose & Parfitt, 2010). Nevertheless, the way participants talked about feelings during exercise being the major reason for exercising is interesting, but little-studied in the context of social identity and social comparison.
Social support of exercise groups and affective responses to exercise have been shown to be important in exercise self-efficacy and frequency of exercise, such as McAuley et al.’s (2003) 6-month study looking at exercise barriers in older, sedentary adults. Results indicated
significant direct effects of physical activity, affective responses to physical activity and exercise social support on both types of self-efficacy. Participants who exercised more frequently reported more positive affective responses (measured via the Feeling Scale after exercise) and higher levels of exercise social support. More positive affect and increased social support also led to higher exercise self-efficacy after six months, suggesting that these are potentially important factors in longer-term continuing of exercise.
In a qualitative study of users' experiences of health apps, participants valued apps which allowed them to log behaviour and track progress towards health goals 'on the go' (Dennison, Morrison, Conway & Yardley, 2013). Dennison et al's. findings on social aspects of apps were also of interest. Looking at apps which share information with social networks, participants said they would not use app features allowing indiscriminate broadcasting of their health goals or behaviours to friends via social media (e.g. Facebook). Participants did feel, though, that sharing on social networks was acceptable within a group with similar goals, for example other users of a health app or other participants in an intervention programme. The finding that people would prefer to share health goals and behaviour with similar others rather than with existing wider social networks is important. There may be less social risk in revealing goals and behaviour to those trying to make similar changes, with social comparisons being potentially less embarrassing than with existing social networks.
There is also the possibility that being part of a group with similar goals could lead to a sense of a virtual social identity. Little (2017) found that social media sites including Facebook were important for some in gaining information about nutrition and running, and more importantly, support from running friends and the running ‘community’. This goes back to the point made in the literature review about the ‘subtle sociality’ of exercise and the
changing social relations of exercise (Hitchings & Latham, 2017). Exercise apps which allow virtual social interaction could also encourage virtual social identity and virtual social
comparison and social support, with affective outcomes to exercise influenced by these. For example, a person might record a run using an app and feel not only a sense of achievement after the run but also a positive affective response on receiving an encouraging comment from a friend using the same app, or alternatively a negative affective response on seeing that their friend had run further or faster than them. It was therefore thought that being part of a virtual social group might predict changes in PA behaviour, potentially via improving people’s post-exercise affective responses.