The six trafficked women and group construct

The six trafficked women who participated in this study were Aisha, Indira, Niuresha, Rosina, Soniya and Sulob who – apart from possibly Indira – appeared to have been trafficked into the sex industry in Kathmandu before reaching the age of 18. All the women were from rural regions of Nepal and all were from impoverished home environments. The names of the women as they appear here are pseudonyms chosen either by the women themselves (i.e. the young unmarried women) or myself (i.e. the older married women) to protect their personal identities. The process of choosing their own names was a particularly empowering experience for the women who chose to do so because they selected names they liked, made up, and/or modelled from women whom they valued in their lives. In some cases, pseudonyms have also been used in de-identify other key people in the women’s lives, such as the names of children, friends and/or relatives or family members and other. These names were chosen by me

In this study, the workshops were undertaken in two groups. Aisha and Indira formed the first group. Niuresha, Rosina, Soniya and Sulob formed the second group. Although we had hoped to be able to combine a group of unmarried women who did not have children with women who were married and did have children, this was not possible due to issue of access to the women at Asha Nepal and CAP Nepal. This was not possible as the organisations were not in immediate proximity to one another and transport issues to one or other organisation in the fuel crisis resulting from the India-Nepal border blockade prevented it. Also, the women’s familiarity with one another due to connections to their respective partner organisations made it easier to work with women related to their individual organisations. Aisha and Indira also had to travel with their babies to meet us at CAP Nepal and it was very difficult for them due to transport delays. Although CAP Nepal paid their transport costs, which we discovered at a late stage in the workshops, this was little compensation for the practical challenges. We adjusted the series of workshops to help with this matter (see Section 6.3.2 for further discussion on this issue). Niuresha, Rosina, Soniya and Sulob were living at one of Asha Nepal’s hostels so our point of access to them was also much easier. While combining the groups would have been ideal, it was simply not possible for all the practical reasons outlined.

124 4.11.2 ‘Aisha’

Aisha, who identified as Chettri, was Hindu and aged 20 years. She was married and had a daughter, Laxmi. She had never been to school because her family was too poor to educate her and other daughters. Although her place of birth was recorded by CAP Nepal as

Shankharapur (Sankhu) on the fringes of Kathmandu Valley, some doubt was expressed by

staff about this and it is believed that she may have been born in the east of Nepal and migrated to Sankhu at a later time with her family. In appearance, Aisha also did not look like a woman from the Chettri ethnic group and in one of the workshops where her ethnicity was discussed, she gave us the impression she was not Chettri because she circumvented questions about her identity. Aisha was trafficked – via a restaurant - into a dance bar in the Kamalpokhari district of Kathmandu by an actor who came to do a performance in the village of Sankhu. However, she also indicated in the workshops that her husband may have been involved in the trafficking network as she claimed that he introduced her to dance bar work. We think she spent an extended time working in the industry. During her time working in the dance bar, she was promised a wage of $3000NPR (approximately $30US) a month, which she was never paid. Aisha is thought to have come from an unstable home environment (i.e. experienced possible domestic violence related to her father), prior to trafficking, sexual abuse during trafficking, and sexual abuse from a paternal uncle in her husband’s family (a joint family unit) she lived in following her marriage. At the time of this study, she was residing in Jorpati, Kathmandu, with her husband and daughter with no extended family. She was being supported by CAP Nepal to start a business, probably a butcher shop.

4.11.3 ‘Indira’

Indira was Buddhist and from a Magar Community. She was aged 22 years and married with a son, Aarjan. She was born in the Myagdi district in Mid-West Nepal. She was lured into waitressing work in a cabin restaurant to support her impoverished family before being asked to perform sexual activities. Later, she was trafficked into a dance bar in the Chabahil district of Kathmandu. We are not sure how long she spent working in the industry though we think it was an extended time. She had an opportunity of an education to Class 12. At the time this study was undertaken, she was living in Jorpati, Kathmandu with her husband and was being supported by CAP Nepal. Indira withdrew from the study after ‘Workshop 4: Menstruation’ for personal reasons. We became aware of the reason, but it is sensitive so cannot be revealed in this study.

125 4.11.4 ‘Niuresha’

Niuresha was Buddhist and from a Tamang Community. She was aged 17 and unmarried. She was born in the Nuwakot district in Central Nepal. She was trafficked by her own family into hotels and later guest houses around Kathmandu. Her experience lasted a few months. Niuresha had been in and out of school because of her trafficking experiences but was currently in school at the time of the study. She lived in one of Asha Nepal’s hostels for girls in Dhapasi Heights, Kathmandu. Her younger sister was also in the care of Asha Nepal and living in a separate home. As she was approaching 18 and could no longer live in the girls’ hostel, Asha Nepal was implementing a plan for Niuresha to live in the general community while she worked and continued to study. Asha Nepal aimed to support her during this transition and she was to remain a beneficiary of their care.

4.11.5 ‘Rosina’

Rosina was also Buddhist and from a Magar Community. She was aged 14 and unmarried. She was born in the Myagdi district in Mid-West Nepal. She was trafficked into a hotel in Kathmandu by her stepfather where she was then sexually-abused. In the study, Rosina’s home environment was revealed to have been ‘volatile’. She was currently in school and living in one of Asha Nepal’s hostels for girls in Dhapasi Heights, Kathmandu, but plans were in place for her to return to the Myagdi district – as per her wish – to live with her mother. Fears were held for her safety in relation to the potential of being re-trafficked because of the family living environment. Rosina said her aunt referred her to Bishwa Nepal before she came to Asha Nepal to help her transition out of the sex industry. She was believed to have been in the sex industry for approximately one year.

4.11.6 ‘Soniya’

Soniya identified as Hindu and Chettri. However, according to her surname and other evidence, she was Brahmin. She was unmarried, 18 and born in the Lalitpur District in Central Nepal. Soniya was trafficked into a massage parlour by her sister-in-law where she experienced sexual abuse. Her experience only lasted only a few weeks because she escaped from it. Soniya was in school but had been in and out of the education system due to her trafficking experiences. Before trafficking, she had also been sexually-abused. She was also living in one of Asha Nepal’s hostels for girls in Dhapasi Heights, Kathmandu. At the time of the study, Asha Nepal was negotiating a return to family while she continued to study, work and live in the community. She was also to receive continued support from Asha Nepal.

126 4.11.7 ‘Sulob’

Sulob was Buddhist and also from a Tamang Community. She was aged 18 and unmarried. She was also born in the Nuwakot district in Central Nepal. She was trafficked by a friend into a restaurant, which acted as a front for the sex industry. Her experience also lasted only a few months. Sulob was in school but had also been in and out of school because of her trafficking experiences. She was currently living in Asha Nepal’s hostel for girls in Dhapasi Heights, Kathmandu, but plans were in place for her to live in the community while she works and continues to study. Asha Nepal planned to continue to support her. Sulob was particularly anxious to begin living an independent life.

4.12 Data Analysis

In this study, the data were analysed using Guest, MacQueen and Namey’s (2012) Applied Thematic Analysis (ATA). The rationale for using this approach is that it is best suited to applied research. According to Kothari (2008), research can be defined in two ways:

Research can either be applied (or action) research or fundamental (to basic or pure) research. Applied research aims at finding a solution for an immediate problem facing a society…whereas fundamental research is mainly concerned with generalisations and the formulation of a theory (Kothari 2008, p. 3)

This study was concerned with exploring the reproductive health knowledge and experiences of young women who had been trafficked into the sex industry in Nepal with an intended pragmatic application: to improve their reproductive health education and reproductive health support.

According to Guest, McQueen and Namey (2012, p. 4), ‘briefly put, ATA (Applied Thematic Analysis) is a type of inductive analysis that can involve multiple analytic techniques’. Their methodological framework focuses primarily on the analysis of qualitative data within an interpretivist paradigm, but it can also be used for quantitative data analysis within a positivist paradigm. Guest, MacQueen and Namey (2012) argue that ‘hypothesis- driven’ approaches can be used for qualitative data analysis, but they are not often used in social/behavioural research because inductive, exploratory analyses are more highly favoured. Their framework focusses predominantly on analysing text, such as field notes or transcripts from focus groups or individual interviews and text from observational note taking (Guest, MacQueen & Namey 2012). However, their techniques can be applied to visual images to gain additional nuances in the data (Guest, MacQueen & Namey 2012).

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The data for this project were derived from three sources: 1. Audio recordings

2. Nepali transcriptions/English translations 3. Photographs of clay work

Before the data were analysed, the audio recordings were transcribed into Nepali, then translated from Nepali into English and, finally, cross-checked for any inaccuracies in contextual meaning. The data were transcribed by Sabrina. Initially, she undertook the process of translation into English alone. However, as completing this task in my fieldwork timelines was challenged by electricity outages in Nepal - at Sabrina’s home electricity was only available in the early hours of the morning due to the load-shedding schedule, which resulted in her becoming fatigued - this process was undertaken collaboratively towards the end of the translation process. This proved beneficial as we were able to reflect on the workshop processes in significant depth and check the context of some of the conversations together. Notwithstanding, this process also enabled me to become extremely connected to the data before leaving Nepal in ways I could not otherwise have done in the workshops due to the need to maintain eye contact with Sabrina and concentrate on the women’s body language and tones of their voices. In the latter stage of this process, we worked at Ting’s Tea House in Lazimpat where we often met to discuss the workshops after they had taken place and Newa Chen Guesthouse in Pātan where I stayed after data collection. Both places had 24-hour electricity because of generator support and staff were happy for us to work there because they knew us. Suffice to say, we celebrated the completion of the translation process together at Newa Chen; we both squealed, simultaneously with delight and laughter when this occurred. Nirmala also cross-checked the transcriptions and English translations before I left Nepal. On my return to Australia, Sabrina and Nirmala continued to play support roles. They continued to check the translations for me and provide important context related to a few issues I had concerns with. In addition, they also verified some details in the photographs that Sabrina and I had not observed in women’s clay work during the workshops and/or when we or the women had taken photographs in the workshops.

The data sets were complex to analyse due the participatory conversations between Sabrina and I and the women and the intersecting nature of many of the issues that emerged. While the CERM themes provided a ‘guidepost’ for my beginning, it was necessary to find a variety of other methods and techniques to ‘get inside’ or ‘underneath’ the rich layers of data. To that end, I analysed the data by, firstly, reading and re-reading the Nepali

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transcriptions/English translations on my computer and in hard copy. Secondly, I ‘rough coded’ the data by hand on hard copies of the translations. I particularly noted intersections between material and I also highlighted details using highlighter pens. I also used a variety of mind- mapping techniques on large sheets of paper when I was struggling to make sense of the data. In addition, I tabularised information to ‘try on’ themes and sub-themes, including looking at intersections with the photographs of clay work. I used content analysis to analyse the photographs, primarily because most of the content in the photographs was self-evident. However, in the latter stages of looking at the photographs, I noticed a cultural detail (i.e. a ‘patuka’) in one of the menstruation photographs that required cross-checking with Sabrina and Nirmala by email (see Section 5.6.5 and Figure 14e). I also created a PowerPoint presentation to try and articulate ‘my thinking’ to my primary supervisor. One of the most beneficial processes I undertook during the data analysis process was looking at the data for sustained periods, then stepping away from it for reflection. When I did this, one of the most fascinating things occurred: I would fall into a deep sleep at night, then in the morning, the deepest insights would emerge on waking. Headings, sentences and words would often enter my conscious thought. I became so accustomed to this process that I put a clipboard and note paper on the breakfast table ready for the ‘morning explosions’.The process was exciting, and I learned to trust it because this (and writing to these insights) led to firmly analysing the most complex components of the data. I also found that presenting at a post-graduate seminar at Deakin University (November 2016), the Asia-India Institute Post-Graduate Conference (December 2016) and a panel discussion for International Women’s Day at Deakin University (March 2017) helped me to articulate my findings and clarify details that I was struggling with. However, I was cognisant that I, at times, overanalysed some aspects of the data in my excitement to try and make sense of it all. I also acted a lot on my intuition about the meaning of the data, and it was not until six months or so into the writing up my findings that I had the ‘aha’ moment that it was complete; it was a joyous experience.

While most of my data were analysed in Australia, I also undertook data analysis in Nepal in October 2016. This process of returning to Nepal enabled me to meet and/or talk with Sabrina and Nirmala to discuss a few issues in the data. However, it also raised some ethical dilemmas for me in relation to representing the six women’s voices in the study when one participant had withdrawn and how to explain violence issues in the writing up of my thesis in a way that was considerate of Nepali women. I particularly learned that using the word ‘violence’ was highly-sensitive, particularly when referring to women’s violence against women. Upon reflection I believe this was driven from the fact that violence against women is

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so prevalent in Nepali culture, and many forms of it cannot – as yet – be spoken about openly. I also felt that many of the women I knew had experienced it and/or were still experiencing it in their daily lives; it was very ‘close-to-home’ 85. In a study on sexual violence with married women, which is considered to be the most comprehensive (to date) on the prevalence and association of violence against women in Nepal, Lamichhane et al. (2012) have noted that one of the limitations to undertaking research on sexual violence was that ‘violence experience may have been underreported because of the sensitivity of the subject’ (p. 8) (see also Puri et al. 2012; Puri, Shah and Tamang 2010; Puri, Tamang & Shah 2011). This occurred even with using adequately trained research assistants who were skilled in interviewing and building rapport (Lamichhane et al. 2012) (see also 6.4.1). Thus, on the basis of this discovery, I became very cautious about using the word ‘violence’ in the writing of my findings. In addition to these issues, I also struggled with the notion of having to de-identify women and their places of origin and/or other places they were connected to because this information was crucial to explaining the context of some of the reproductive health concerns for women of ‘particular’ ethnic groups. In other words, I really wanted to ensure that all of the women’s personal stories and experiences were ‘heard’. I also felt that revealing some issues related to trafficking in my thesis might also put my personal safety at risk following my PhD on return to Nepal. In the process, I also recollected a scenario from fieldwork related to trafficking, which had - unknowingly at the time - put me in a situation of danger. In Nepal and on my return to Australia, I consulted with my primary supervisor to allay my concerns over all of these issues.

4.13 Theoretical Lens

Women in contemporary Nepalese society have been identified as oppressed, dominated and discriminated against due to Hindu patriarchal norms that have been entrenched in the culture for more than 170 years. Most particularly, this includes women from the ethnic groups that have been demarcated to the bottom of the five-tier hierarchy of the caste system, which is still in operation at a structural level in Nepalese society despite being outlawed in 1963 and at other points in Nepal’s history since that time. These women are the Dalits or ‘untouchable women’; women from Bādi communities, women who are Deuki, and other Nepali women who have been forced into sex work involuntarily and/or out of economic

85 _{Some of these women actually shared personal stories with me about these issues when I returned to Nepal in}

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necessity and/or women who engage in sex work by choice. Of course, it goes without saying that this includes trafficked women.