Theoretical frameworks for in-case and cross-case analysis

communication and social behaviour that may help to understand dynamics and patterns of post-disaster communication. Although there is a need to acknowledge that PDR contexts may present peculiarities compared to routine contexts, it may be the case that some communication dynamics studied in non-crisis situations hold true for post-disaster communication. Chapter 6 of this dissertation will summarise cross-case patterns and, whenever possible, will try to explain them in the light of existing communication and media theories and knowledge.

As mentioned before, for each case study, three different levels were considered in the analysis: the communication system level, the contextual level and the cultural level. Previous research and established theories demonstrate that all these elements are crucial if we are to analyse communication practices successfully.

The relevance of understanding the constitutive elements of the communication practices is shown by several theories that highlight how practices may change according to individual characteristics and the assessment of the effects of the medium of communication adopted (Davis 1989; Dimitrova and Chen 2006). For example, socio-demographic factors (gender, age, level of income, level of education, social class and ethnic group, disability) proved to be relevant to an assessment of the propensity to adopt new technology and the motivations of media consumption (Thayer and Ray 2006; Dunaetz et al. 2015). In addition to demographic factors, personality traits were found to predict e-government adoption among citizens. These include one’s risk tolerance and innovativeness (Lin 2003), the extent of the one’s pre-existing civic and political involvement (Dimitrova and Chen 2006) and trust of both e-government services and government agencies (Carter and Belanger 2005).

Several media and communication theories draw from the assumption that the user is active and takes rational decisions when making use of a communication medium. They include the 'uses and gratification theory' (Blumler and Katz 1974), the 'technology acceptance model' (Davis 1989), the 'theory of reasoned action' (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975), and the 'media

richness theory' (Daft and Lengel 1984). According to these theories, the user chooses deliberatively to adopt a medium or a technology if he or she perceives it as able to fulfil personal needs (uses and gratification theory), easy and useful to adopt (the technology acceptance model), or if he or she believes that adoption or rejection of the technology will lead to the intended, positive consequences (the theory of reasoned action).

The media richness theory argues that each communication medium has a certain degree of richness in terms of social cues. Face-to-face communications are richer than email communications, because the latter lack social cues such as facial and vocal expressions. In an ambiguous situation, people choose the communication medium that offers the greatest richness. Other theories, such as the 'social identity model of deindividualisation effects' (SIDE model) (Lea and Spears 1991) and the 'reduced social cues model' (Sproull and Kiesler 1986) argue that this lack of social cues in the on-line conversations expose people to de- individualisation effects. According to the reduced social cues model, deindividualisation causes people to feel less bonded to social norms and therefore makes them more inclined to behave aggressively. As a result, on-line conversations are more difficult to manage and regulate. According to the SIDE model, the anonymity of the computer-mediated communications makes social identity more salient. Thus people are more inclined to adopt group norms (Spears et al. 2001).

The 'diffusion of innovation theory' (Rogers 1995) endeavours to account for the diffusion of an innovation within an organizational setting or within society. The diffusion depends on both the individual characteristics of the users and organizational structure. For example, Rogers advocated that early adopters of technology are typically better educated, younger and with a relatively high income. At the firm level, the adoption of innovative technology may depend on the leader's attitude toward change, and the centralization and openness of the organization’s structure. Other organizational characteristics of the local government including type and form of government and metropolitan status (Moon and Norris 2005), level

of innovativeness, technology and management capacity, and stakeholders' influence (Oliveira and Welch 2013). These have been found to affect the propensity of an agency to use web technologies to communicate with citizens.

Communication practices do not take place in a vacuum. They are profoundly embedded in a context that constantly influences them. In this respect, studies and theories have acknowledged the importance of contextual factors when considering media adoption and consumption and communication preferences. For example, the 'socio-technical systems theory' (Trist and Bamforth 1951) advocates that the adoption of technology cannot be fully understood without considering the context in which technology is embedded and the resulting organizational goals. 'Activity theory' (Vygotsky 1978) considers behaviours as they occur in a social context. In pursuing an object-oriented activity, this theory offers a means of understanding correlations between an activity system (subject, object, artefact, etc.) and contextual and cultural factors.

The 'communication infrastructure theory' (Ball-Rokeach et al. 2001) draws from a communication ecology approach and argues that storytelling networks interact in communication. This occurs both at a micro level (e.g. family, neighbourhood) and a meso-level (e.g. community organisations, local level). This context encompasses psychological, social, physical and technological factors. It can either facilitate or hamper their communicative activities. 'Media dependency theory' (Ball-Rokeach and DeFleur 1976) postulates that the social system has a direct effect on both media dependency, which varies with the nature of the political, social and cultural system, and according to an audience’s needs. The extent to which a person depends on the media derives from the needs that the media allow him or her to fulfil (the more needs are fulfilled, the greater media dependence will be. It also depends on social stability, as in crisis situations people exhibit greater media dependence because of their increased information needs. Contextual factors may have a significant influence on the way in which risk and disaster information are

communicated, received, interpreted and acted upon. For example, living in a country with nuclear power plants was found to predict supportiveness of nuclear energy and major awareness of risks and benefits (Kovacs and Gordelier 2009). The understanding of the context, namely of the set of cultural, social, economic, historical and technological elements that shape human behaviours and risk perception provides guidance for the enhancement of risk communication (Twigg 2003).

Lastly, Hofstede’s model (1980) has been widely used around the world to account for the elements that distinguish communication patterns in different cultures. The model takes into account different dimensions, such as individualism and collectivism; the avoidance of uncertainty (the extent to which the members of the society tolerate uncertainty and ambiguity in relationships and communication); power distance (strength of the social hierarchy), masculinity-femininity (task-orientation versus person- orientation); and long- or short-term orientation. Several studies have demonstrated that some of the cultural dimensions identified in Hofstede’s model correlate with the propensity to use information and communication technology (ICT) and e-government services in society. For example, Shane (1992, 1993) and Rinne et al. (2012) found that countries with greater strength of social hierarchy (high power distance) were less likely to accept innovation (including the adoption of new technology). Shane (1993) argued that innovation challenges the established power hierarchies, implying that nations with high power distances are more reluctant to innovate. Likewise, other studies showed that power distance and avoidance of uncertainty correlate negatively with adoption of ICT (Erumban and Jong 2006; Leidner and Kayworth 2006; Al-Hujran et al. 2011) and use of e-government services (Al-Hujran et al. 2011; Ali et al. 2009; Akkaya et al. 2012).

In addition to communication theories, social psychology theories have also been used to account for on-line communication behaviours (Spears et al. 2001; Riva 2002). This should not come as a surprise if we consider that computer-mediated communication (CMC) has profound effects on

how we define others and ourselves as well as on preserving or challenging power relationships through linguistic instruments (Spears et al. 2001). Notably, 'social identity theory' (Tajfel and Turner 1986) and 'self- categorization theory' (Turner 1987) posit that the self is defined on a continuum whose ends are represented by either a sole individual identity (the self is defined as an individual) or a single social identity (the self is defined as part of a group). Which of these identities becomes more salient, depends on the context and the situation in which the person is situated.

One consequence of the social categorisation of the self is that people tend to reduce and minimise the differences among members of the in- group and exaggerate inter-group differences (group polarisation). In other words, when social self-categorisation is more salient, we tend to conceive of ourselves as interchangeable with other members of the in-group and make our behaviours conform to the group rather than to individual norms. Another consequence of the social identity is in-group favouritism, namely a more positive representation of the in-group compared to the out-group. As well as being depicted in negative terms, the out-group is also subject to stereotyped representations. The SIDE Model (Lea and Spears 1991) builds on self-categorisation and social identity theories and advocates that, as an effect of group anonymity, people that engage in on-line conversations are more inclined to adopt a group identity (deindividualisation). The result of this is increased group polarisation, the adaptation of communicative behaviours to group norms and a massive use of stereotypes to describe out-groups.

Other social theories have been used to contrast the idea that the reduced social and relational cues that can be transmitted through on-line communications imply that these latter are less able to support the creation of intimate relationships. For example 'social information processing theory' (SIP) (Walther 1992) posits that when building relationships people adapt their communicative behaviours to the communication cues offered by the medium and the situation. The consequence of this is that, although

requiring more time to be developed, on-line relationships can be as intimate as those that are created face to face (Riva 2002). 'Situated action theory' (Suchman 1987) and 'positioning theory' both supports the idea that the context is co-constructed by people, who are understood as social actors that exchange and negotiate meanings through communication behaviour. People’s actions (including communication behaviours) derive from their adaptation to the context. This is interpreted through the lens of cultural norms, which are, however, constantly modified by a subject’s behaviour.