Type 1: Universal quantification over time 118

The prototypical use of never is Type 1, which expresses universal quantification over time.

This is defined as follows:

119

Given a (temporal) context C, a domain D (= the set of all units of time t contained within C) and a proposition p; never(p) is true iff for all units of time t within D, p is false at t. Or, equivalently, never(p) is true iff there is no t within D such that p is true at t.

(Lucas & Willis 2012: 463)

Lucas and Willis (2012: 463) argue that this type of never necessarily addresses a ‘question under discussion’ in the sense of Roberts (1996), namely either (i) when is/was/will p (be) true? or (ii) how often is/was/will p (be) true? Question (i) is relevant when never quantifies over a non-iterable predicate, i.e. where there was ‘some instant (or longer stretch of time) at which p is true’ (Lucas & Willis 2012: 463), as in (69). Question (ii) is relevant for iterable predicates, i.e. where never ‘[denies] the assumption that the relevant proposition is true on multiple separate occasions within D’ (Lucas & Willis 2012: 465), as in (70).

(69) Non-iterable predicate

a. I’ve never learnt another language [Sally, Salford]

b. The one graveyard that I will never forget is the German graveyard [MM/456, Tyneside]

(70) Iterable predicate

a. we never really won anything (over numerous netball tournaments) [AS/149, Tyneside]

b. It was like dead good our school, the fire alarm never went off or anything [3F2, Glasgow]

Appealing to Partee’s (1973) proposal that sentences with tense contain a temporal variable, Lucas and Willis (2012: 464) state that never ‘saturates this variable’ with non-iterable

predicates, but not with iterable predicates. This accounts for the ungrammaticality that results from the use of temporal adverbials (e.g. this year, yesterday) with non-iterable predicates like those in (69), in contrast to their licensing in iterable predicates like (70) (Lucas & Willis 2012: 464).

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4.2.2. Type 2: Non-quantificational with “window of opportunity”

Unlike Type 1 never, the Type 2 “window of opportunity” use of never does not quantify over time and is ‘equivalent to ordinary sentential negation’ (Lucas & Willis 2012: 466). Type 2 never is identifiable by its reference to a ‘temporally restricted “window of opportunity”, given or inferable in context, in which the relevant event could theoretically have taken place at any time but didn’t’ (Lucas & Willis 2012: 467). At the time of speaking, this window must be closed – hence, Type 2 never only occurs with the preterite tense (Lucas & Willis 2012:

467). Type 2 never is also limited to achievement predicates that refer to the completion of a specific task (Lucas & Willis 2012: 467-9), as explained further in section 4.4.3. The

examples in (71) demonstrate some tokens of never in Type 2 contexts in my data.

(71) a. But Nadine never got my message, she said [3F4, Glasgow]

b. never brought a biscuit, did she? [Moira, Salford]

c. Her Dad never came to parents’ night [NKYF2, Glasgow]

Although Type 2 never may seem similar to Type 1, if they were the same we would expect Type 2 never to be concerned with the ‘how often?’ question with iterable predicates, which is not the case (Lucas & Willis 2012: 466). For example, someone was not expected to receive a text message several times (71a), bring a biscuit several times (71b), or to go to parents’ evening several times (71c). In other words, the events are expected to occur only once within a given “window of opportunity”.

4.2.3. Type 3: Non-quantificational generic negator

Non-quantificational never in Type 3 contexts, like Type 2 never, is non-quantificational and marks sentential negation (Lucas & Willis 2012: 469). Only the linguistic context

distinguishes Types 2 and 3. While Type 2 never is limited to achievement predicates with a

“window of opportunity”, Type 3 is much less restricted in terms of the predicate types that it can occur with (Lucas & Willis 2012: 469). While never is standard in Type 2 contexts, it is non-standard in Type 3 contexts (Lucas & Willis 2012), as the examples in (72) illustrate.

(72) a. I never worked here at the time [SM/84, Tyneside]

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b. Actually I never had that coat when I was eleven [RM/512, Tyneside]

c. I never watched that last night [00-G2-m04, Glasgow]

Type 3 never is strongly associated with the preterite tense and considered equivalent to didn’t (Labov 1972e; Cheshire 1982: 67–8; Edwards 1993: 227; Smith 2001: 128; Hughes et al. 2013: 29). Lucas and Willis (2012: 469-70) agree, but hypothesise that this could be because with other tenses never can be ambiguous between Type 1 (where it has a habitual interpretation) or Type 3 (where it has a non-quantificational interpretation), as illustrated in (73).

(73) know what I’m saying you feel like you’re the one . that’s why I can never say that I’m Moroccan . I can never say it [Linguistic Innovators Corpus, 6127int036]

(Lucas & Willis 2012: 470)

Type 3 never can also occur in clause-final position with an elided VP (Lucas & Willis 2012:

470), as (74) shows. The licensing of never here may represent its reanalysis from a phrasal adverb to a head (Lucas & Willis 2012: 471).⁴⁸

(74) 3F5: Alice did it.

3F2: No she never. [Glasgow]

Type 3 never has often been described as emphatic or at least potentially having an emphatic function (Beal 1993: 198; Hickey 2004: 524; Beal & Corrigan 2005: 145; Lucas & Willis 2012: 460; Buchstaller & Corrigan 2015: 80). However, this has not been examined empirically and it may vary across varieties as it is reportedly not emphatic in Scottish

English (Miller 1993: 115, 2004: 51). There are also indications that Type 3 never can be used to explicitly deny propositions (e.g. He never! – Cheshire 1982: 68; No I never! – Coupland 1988: 35) or assumptions (Lucas & Willis 2012: 460).

48 Lucas and Willis (2012: 471) appeal to Potsdam’s (1997: 538) argument that not is a head and behaves similarly with elided VPs.

122 4.2.4. Type 4: Categorical denial

Type 4 never is not quantificational over time, but appears to quantify ‘over possible perspectives on a state of affairs’, often expressing surprise (Lucas & Willis 2012: 471). As (75) shows, speakers use it to categorically deny a proposition (Lucas & Willis 2012: 461).

Type 4 never can be used with various tenses and predicate types, and is found in many varieties of English including Standard English (Lucas & Willis 2012: 471).

(75) a. IC: my dad chased him and I was scared JK: Oh never? [Tyneside]

b. That’s never a penalty! (Lucas & Willis 2012: 471)⁴⁹

4.2.5. Type 5: Idiomatic uses

The Type 5 group comprises idiomatic expressions with never that are found in English worldwide, where never is non-quantificational (Lucas & Willis 2012: 472). These include never know as in (76a) and the ‘fossilized expressions’ never fear and never mind as in (76b) (Lucas & Willis 2012: 472).

(76) a. I never even actually knew that was true [00-G2-m01, Glasgow]

b. cannae even read English, never mind hieroglyphics [BB/929, Tyneside]

4.2.6. Summary

To conclude this section, Table 4.1 summarises the key properties of each of the five types of never that Lucas and Willis (2012) describe, including examples.

49 This example is credited to a webpage which is no longer active, but there are many other instances online (e.g. https://www.thesun.co.uk/archives/football/1105828/england-boss-roy-hodgson-i-may-be-a-dinosaur-but-thats-never-a-penalty/).

123

Yes  Quantification ‘over possible perspectives on

Table 4.1: Summary of the properties of never (Types 1-5) 4.3. The diachronic and synchronic distribution of never

In this section, I outline the origin of the five types of never described in section 4.2 and how they developed diachronically in English (4.3.1), before drawing attention to semantic, syntactic and discourse-pragmatic factors that have been found to constrain the use of non-quantificational never in previous work (4.3.2).