Housing trajectory (sometimes referred to as housing careers) may be described as the changes in dwelling consumption over time (Pickles and Davies 1991). The trajectory may assume an ‘upwards’, or sideways’ or ‘downwards’ movement depending on circumstances in life (Michelson 1977; Kendig 1990). A progression towards homeownership is generally assessed as successful housing integration of immigrants. As a whole, housing trajectory deals with the notion of changes in housing status between lower and better housing over time. Usually, moving from renting to housing ownership is considered as ideal (Edmonston 2004; Haan 2005; Teixeira 2007; Murdie 2008).
Within North American context, the buying of a home by immigrants is not only a sign of residential integration but a symbolic and material marker of socioeconomic achievement (Edmonston 2004). To this end, several studies have examined the importance of linkages between immigrant housing experiences and the process of integration in Canada (Murdie 2002; Murdie 2008; Murdie et al. 2006; Mendez et al. 2006; Haan 2007; Hiebert and Mendez 2008; Mendez 2009; Teixeira 2007; Teixeira 2009). Some studies suggest that inadequate housing may stall immigrant integration into Canadian society (Murdie et al. 2006; Carter et al. 2009). Considering the
importance of housing in immigrant integration, researchers have examined the factors that influence immigrant housing experiences.
Overall, two broad factors — immigrant background and overall housing environment in destinations — have been linked with immigrant housing career outcomes. These broad categories of factors have respectively been referred to as micro (i.e. immigrant characteristics) and macro level (i.e. overall housing environment) factors (see Hulchanski 1997; Wayland 2007). Irrespective of the nomenclature, several sub-themes are identified as critical within the two broad categories of factors influencing immigrant housing careers. For example, Teixeira (2006) suggest that immigrant economic disadvantage is a critical factor influencing housing experience. Relative to Canadian standards immigrants’ income levels, particularly refugees and those from developing countries, are lower. Therefore, such differences in income levels as well as a general economic disadvantage influence immigrants’ ability to adequately meet their housing needs. Other visible characteristics such as gender and ethnicity are also found to be associated with immigrant housing careers in Canada (Muridie 2002; Teixeira 2006). Immigrants’ knowledge of the housing market has been demonstrated to have an impact on the kinds of neighbourhood where immigrants chose to reside (Hulchanski 1997; Ghosh 2007). Usually through existing networks immigrants from specific ethnicities tend to concentrate in particular neighbourhoods. As result, ethnic clustering is a common feature in the case of immigrant housing careers (see Ghosh 2007). Such ethnic clustering provides social capital which has been found to be important in immigrants
housing consumption behaviours especially for selection of dwelling and neighbourhood types (D’Addario et al. 2007). Renaud et al. (2006), suggest that the type of dwelling occupied on arrival influences immigrant housing careers.
The second set of factors — overall housing environment — together with some of the above identified immigrant characteristics intersect to circumscribe immigrant housing trajectories. For example, the potential influence of government in housing career has been examined in the literature and Dalton (2009) suggests that policy orientation of government is important in influencing housing prices particularly affordable housing. Vulnerable groups including refugees and immigrants with low incomes depend on such facilities and the limited availability of affordable housing compels immigrants to meet their housing needs at market rates which are generally expensive in their new destinations (Hulchanski 1997; Murdie 2008). This restricts immigrants to neighbourhoods with cheap and substandard housing (Teixeira 2006) thereby hindering immigrant integration as a whole. Access to social housing stock particularly by low income immigrant households has enormous influence on housing experience of immigrants (Carter et al. 2009). Therefore, the reduction in social housing stock over the decades has pushed low income earners including refugees and immigrants into the housing markets where prices are determined by market forces (Skaburskis and Mok 2000; Bunting et al. 2004; Murdie 2008). A recent study by Simone and Newbold (2014), suggests that overpriced housing markets in the most popular immigrant destinations in Canada (Montreal, Vancouver and Toronto) makes housing ownership difficult. In earlier research, Moore and Skaburskis (2004) found
that housing affordability determined by income levels is identified as critical in influencing the geographical locations low income groups such as immigrants can opt to live. The situation of high housing prices together with immigrant economic disadvantage leaves most immigrants precariously housed and at risk of homelessness indulging in practices such as couch surfing (Fiedler et al. 2006; Preston et al. 2009). Additionally, existing subtle discriminatory rental practices towards visible minority immigrants further influence immigrant housing careers. Particularly, non-white immigrants of recent time are faced with a pre-existing racial hierarchy resulting in challenges in housing career especially homeownership (Teixeira 2006; Haan 2007).
In summary, the main empirical and theoretical explanations for immigrant housing experience and housing careers as a whole in Canada, and indeed North America, has centred on; availability or provision of adequate housing units (Hackworth and Moriah 2006; Dalton 2009), the nature of housing markets (Moore and Skaburskis 2004; Edmonston 2004; Teixeira 2009; Simone and Newbold 2014), and immigrants socio-economic background at arrival (Murdie 2002; Haan 2005; Teixeira 2006; Ghosh 2007). These explanations suggest that immigrants are circumscribed within existing socio-economic structures which are responsible for defining their housing consumption behaviours. Whilst the above are important in understanding immigrant housing experiences and integration, much remains to be known outside of these two broader categories of factors. Missing from these explanations of immigrant housing experiences is the role of the immigrants themselves in terms of their attitudes, actions and practices in their place of origin which may have
consequences for housing consumption in immigrant destination nations including Canada. This research expands the current scope of understanding immigrant housing career outcomes by examining how immigrant transnational engagements (specifically remittances) together with immigrant background as well as the housing environment in Canada influence housing careers of recent immigrants to Canada. Studies which examine how transnational engagement in housing investment might impact on immigrant housing careers are scant and have not previously involved wider population analysis (see Shooshtari et al. 2014).
Figure 1 shows the theoretical framework employed in this study. The figure explains the relationships between the identified factors which influence immigrant housing careers. It is important to note that this framework does not suggest housing and neighbourhood outcomes is a linear process with immigrants moving from lower and less desirable housing and location to better conditions. Although progression towards housing ownership has been the trend (Haan 2005, 2007; Murdie 2002, 2008; Myers et al. 1998; Renaud et al. 2006; Teixeira 2009), recent evidence including Ley’s work on millionaire migrants demonstrates the contrary (Ley 2011). Rather, the potential role of transnationalism in housing outcomes is the prime focus of the framework. Therefore, introduction of immigrant transnational activities is the main distinction in this pursuit in understanding immigrant housing careers. It also represents a key conceptual theme in this attempt to explain immigrant housing careers. However, it must be stated that, various forms of immigrant transnational engagements exist including sending of remittances for dependents’ upkeep (De Haas
2006; Lianos and Pseiridis 2014), engagement in transnational housing investment (Osili 2004; Mazzucato 2005; Grant 2007; Asiedu and Arku 2009; Obeng-Odoom 2010), transnational entrepreneurial activities (Portes et al. 2002), as well as engagement in various political and socio-cultural activities (DeSipio 2011). Regardless of the form of transnational engagement, they generally involve substantial financial commitment — resources which otherwise could aid in housing integration in Canada. Therefore we conceptualise that immigrant housing careers are a result of the general housing environment, immigrant characteristics as well as immigrant transnational behaviour — specifically remittance. In particular, we posit that transnational engagement, which may be central to immigrants’ migration goals, is critical in understanding immigrant housing experiences in Canada and other large immigrant receiving societies such as the United States and Australia among others.
In addition to scholars’ attempt to understand immigrant housing careers, there is also a discussion of a decline in the overall immigrant homeownership trends among immigrants to Canada and the United states in the last two decades. This decline has been attributed to shifts in immigrant composition from a predominantly European migrant population, to mainly non-white minority immigrants, deterioration of immigrants’ fortunes, changes in the labour market, and macro-level political economy conditions (Enns 2005; Hackworth and Moriah 2006; Haan 2007; Texeira 2006; Hiebert 2009). While these suggests the potential of cohort effect, it is significant to note that other factors may also be important in explaining the recent decline in immigrant housing ownership — including factors in the two broad
categories already identified. Additionally, practice of immigrant culture, particularly, maintenance of large family structure has also been pointed out as affecting the nature of immigrant housing experience. Subsequently, higher relative burden of housing costs in relation to low household incomes and the multi-family structures of these new immigrants generally predispose them to crowding and hidden homelessness which makes them fall short of the core housing need standards (Preston et. al. 2009; Fieldler et al. 2006). Immigrants’ tendency to maintain such cultural practices as family structure in destination countries are also manifest in other areas of life where they maintain contact with their places of origin. These transnational contacts and networks are important in influencing development in origin areas and integration in destination areas (Bebbington and Kothari 2006; Faist 2008).
Until now, only immigrant characteristics and the prevailing housing environment have been linked with immigrant housing consumption choices in Canada and the decline in housing ownership in North America as a whole. Yet, evidence available suggests that immigrants do no cut ties with their origin after migrating. Immigrants continue to engage with their origin areas in various ways including the sending of substantial financial resources to their origin countries in the form of remittances and engagement in housing investments in origin areas among other activities (Diko and Tipple 1992; Osili 2004; Mazzucato 2005; De Haas 2006; Grant 2007; Asiedu and Arku 2009; Smith and Mazzucato 2009; Obeng-Odoom 2010). Thus understanding the impact of transnational activities on housing trajectories is important especially in the light of recent discussions of a decline in immigrant
homeownership trends in Canada and the USA in the last two decades (Myers et al. 1998; Haan 2005; Haan 2007; DeSilva and Elmelech 2012). This study fills this gap by using the theoretical framework discussed above to answer the question; is there a relationship between transnational behaviour and housing ownership status over time among recent immigrants in Canada?
Figure 3.1 Conceptual Framework: Factors influencing immigrant housing trajectories