"The pyramids of Egypt symbolize the role that country must play if we're to win the hearts and minds of the Arabs," MAIN'S enigmatic, octogenarian chairman and CEO Mac Hall told a group of us who had assembled for lunch at the posh Engineers Club on the top floor of the Prudential Tower, Boston's tallest building and the home of MAIN'S executive offices. "Egypt will form the base, large and firm. Then we will pile them up, one country after the next."
It was 1974, a pivotal moment in Egypt's long history. MAIN and our corporatocracy clients were determined to take advantage of this opportunity. A door opened when we won a contract to complete a major study in Alexandria. A USAID officer had flown up from Washington for a luncheon briefing on the country's struggles and the goals of our work there.
His cropped hair, immaculately trimmed mustache, starched shirt, gray suit, blue necktie accentuated with a slash of red, and two lapel pins—one of the U.S. flag, the other, a black hand clasping a white one—accentuated his role as a government representative, one of the new breed of colonizer-posing-as altruist. He sat very stiffly at the table and, as he talked, frequently shot deferential glances at Mac Hall. I realized that he came to us in several guises: that of an expert on Egypt, the man who would evaluate our study and approve payment of our fees, and also as a potential employee, a Washington bureaucrat always on the lookout for a better job or lucrative retirement consultancy.
While he described his experiences in the Middle East, he wove Egypt's history into his monologue, emphasizing that centuries of foreign domination had laid the foundation for post-World War II events. "The Muslim Brotherhood," he said, spitting out the words as though they stung his tongue, "became very influential. They demanded that Egypt break off ties with Europe. The Brethren joined forces with the Society of Free Officers, a revolutionary group of Egyptian army brass, to oppose King Farouk—hated because he was an Albanian whose family gained prominence in Egypt under the Ottoman Empire and was later supported by the British—and us. This coalition toppled Farouk, much to our chagrin. Well, you know who came next. Lieutenant Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser was sworn in as premier in 1954 and then president in 1956."
In what the USAID man described as "a reckless gamble," Nasser declared his independence from the Western powers. "He negotiated deals to buy Soviet weapons. Of course we and the Brits withdrew our offers to build a dam at Aswan. It infuriated Nasser. So he nationalized the Suez Canal. Israel responded in 1956 by invading the Sinai Peninsula. You can bet we had something to do with that, but not officially. England and France both claimed the canal as essential to their security. They bombed Egyptian positions and sent in their armies. The canal was shut down."
The USAID man frowned. "We simply couldn't tolerate that. The world clamored for U.S. goods and Middle Eastern oil. The long haul around Africa was way too costly. A bunch of corporate executives visited the White House. Ike heard them. The general took command." He grinned at Hall. "A cease-fire was proclaimed in November 1956, and a U.N. peacekeeping force arrived to patrol the borders between Egypt and Israel." He paused to take a sip of water and, I supposed, allow the rest of us to ponder the levity of his words. "In essence," he continued, "Uncle Sam forced Israel, Britain, and France to pull out. Only a little over a year earlier, we'd returned sanity to Iran by deposing that Commie Mossadegh and reinstating our friend the shah. Now, we showed the Arabs we would stand behind them in Egypt. Washington became the undisputed dominant power in the region."
The review that afternoon in a private club atop the Prudential Tower strengthened my growing cynicism as well as my desire to enjoy the fruits accruing to this dominant power I called home. As I listened, it seemed evident that the "triumphs" in Iran and Egypt had established the supremacy of the corporatocracy and that this government employee was paid to brag about it. Those corporate executives, who just happened to control the defense industry along with most of the rest of the American economy, had forced the president of the United States to acquiesce to their demands. Now, less than two decades later, a government agency was spinning its revised view of history into its official talks. I was amazed at the cunning of these people and I felt both privileged and guilty to be included in this scheme for building what I was coming to understand was nothing less than the world's first secret empire.
I glanced out the window at the Charles River far below; across it in the distance, the sun reflected off the ivy-laced buildings of Harvard, which had undoubtedly educated at least several of those executives who visited the White House that day. I recalled Eisenhower's speech about the military-industrial complex. It seemed extremely ironic that a career military officer and supreme commander of Allied forces during World War II was the first to publicly expose the existence of what today we refer to as the corporatocracy. He had watched those executives gain influence over U.S. foreign policy during the Korean War. He had witnessed how they manipulated the press and Congress and employed the communist threat as a justification for whittling away at civil liberties. He had stood by as they sold technologies to the military for delivering missile-guided nuclear warheads to distant lands. But in Egypt, during the Suez crisis, he must have begun to truly fear the pact between the government, military, and corporations. He had acquiesced, yes. But deep inside, he must have seethed. A man trained to discipline himself, he had, I guessed, bided his time, waiting until his term as president was over. Then he dropped his own bomb. Like many good anti-Vietnam War protesters in the late 1960s I had hung a framed copy of Ike's January 17,1961, address—his farewell speech—over my desk.
Eisenhower described his country as one whose economy had been built on peaceful endeavors. "Until the latest of our world conflicts," he said, "the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well." Then he issued a warning:
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
"Nasser was a hothead." The USAID officer's voice brought my attention back to the Engineers Club. "He was a hothead who thought he could outsmart us. So he foolishly continued to court the Soviet Union. He got them to build the Aswan High Dam. You can only imagine how your friend"—he turned to MacHall—"Mr. Bechtel felt about that."
Hall chortled. "Not just Bechtel—the whole lot of us, everyone in the engineering business."
"Right."
"But Bechtel had the connections, the president's ear." Hall glanced around the table. "Very good at kissing ass." This brought laughter.
The USAID man took another sip of water before continuing. "Meanwhile the Muslim Brotherhood was back in play. They felt betrayed by Nasser's partnership with atheistic Communists and his refusal to create an Islamic government. They claimed all this ran counter to an agreement they made when they joined forces with the Society of Free Officers to overthrow Farouk. They wanted their president to adopt the Koran as the basis for their constitution. When he refused, they sent in one of their hit teams to assassinate him. But they botched the job and it backfired. Nasser's popularity grew. He banned the Brotherhood, sentenced four thousand of its members to prison camps, and had the ringleaders executed. Those who escaped went underground. Some attempted to infiltrate labor unions, schools, and even the military. Many left the country, heading for Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, and—as you know— Kuwait, where you guys have a major electrification project. Right?" He nodded at Hall. "Well, over the years they've evolved into one of the most influential pro-Islamic forces in the world. Their goal is to drive us—everyone from the West, all the Christian cultures—out of the Middle East, overthrow secular leaders, like those in Egypt and Iran, and replace them with mullahs."
I was tempted to ask him about the rumors I had heard that,
despite their stated goals and because they opposed communism, the Brethren received CIA funding and training. But I knew that he could only answer such a question one way and that asking it might cost me dearly, especially under these circumstances.
"Any questions?" He glanced around. "Just about done. The sixties were tumultuous for Egypt. Nasser instituted economic reforms, Marxism, including a mandate that the government own at least 51 percent of all Egyptian businesses. What a disaster. All it did was manage to piss us off more. The U.N. peacekeeping force remained until 1967, sporadic fighting occurred between Egyptian and Israeli forces until 1970, and the canal continues to be closed to shipping to this day. Nasser died less than four years ago, in 1970. Vice I'resident Anwar Sadat took over.
"We worked diligently to bring Sadat around to our side. Believe me, I was there. At first he resisted. He made a big deal out of concluding a treaty with the Soviets that Nasser began. He seemed to enjoy thumbing his nose at us. But we ignored the insults and hung in there. It worked. Sadat did an about-face. He expelled the Soviets in seventy- two." He sighed. "Then he blew it again. He sent troops across the Suez Canal and attacked Israeli positions in the Sinai. Simultaneously, Syria invaded Israel along the Golan Heights. Israel drove back their attackers, and you know the rest: The Yom Kippur War ended in a cease-fire on October 24,1973. Now, Sadat's feverishly courting us again, trying to make amends—negotiating disengagement accords with Israel, actively encouraging foreign investment, and requesting U.S. and World Bank aid. The window of opportunity has opened ..."
He drained his water. "Mr. Hall, I very much agree with your statement." He glanced down at a paper on the table next to his plate. "'The pyramids of Egypt symbolize the role that country must play if we're to win the hearts and minds of the Arabs. Egypt will form the base, large and firm. Then we will pile them up, one country after the next.'" He leaned toward Hall, a subtle but obvious bow of respect. "Sir, I'd like to commend you for that. A brilliant evaluation. It totally reflects the reality of where we stand today."
After lunch, we milled around and shook each other's hands. At one point I wandered over to the window to take another look at Harvard. I felt a tap on my shoulder. When I turned I was shocked to see George Rich's ancient and weather-beaten face smiling kindly at me; next to Hall, he was considered the most powerful man at MAIN. "Presidents come and go," my boss Bruno Zambotti had once told me, "but Hall and Rich are always there, pulling the strings."
George Rich had been sitting at a nearby table with a couple of other men. "Quite a view," he said. "Got a moment? Can you come to my office?"