USEFULNESS OF ESOL

Contemporary ESOL practices have evolved in response to the needs of growing transnational migration. The ESOL provision originally started as a service by volunteers and was influenced over the years by various government legislation (Hamilton and Merrifield, 2000) and was not included in the 1975 Right to Read literacy campaign, which shows how bilingual speakers were totally invisible in the eyes of the policy makers in spite of the relevance of this provision to the ethnic minority communities. The elderly cohort in this research, who had arrived in the early 70s, unanimously agrees that the conditions were not conducive for them to learn English during that period. However, they value the 35

contribution of the neighbourhood volunteer groups that were set up to help newcomers learn English. These groups had limited resources and lack of childcare was a major problem for mothers who were keen to learn English. Finding classes that suited working women was also a problematic issue for women who had long working hours and a family to look after too. In 1992, the Further and Higher Education Act resulted in ESOL provision being classified as a vocational course that qualified for funding from Further Education Funding Council. This enabled provision of childcare and flexibility of hours, improving the possibility of attending these courses for working mothers.

Rosenberg (2007), in her comprehensive and detailed account of contexts and policies of ESOL, has categorically emphasised that the role of Adult Literacy and Basic Skills Unit (ALBSU) and Basic Skills Agency has been less effective when it comes to ESOL. Drawing on her own personal experience, and that of established and respected practitioners, Rosenberg (2007) critically evaluates adult ESOL provision over time and across sectors, for not doing enough to meet the needs of ESOL learners.

Participants in my research, however, value whatever patchy support that was available to them in the initial stages of learning English.

Mamta: I have attended the English classes. I have done four exams. I even have the certificates. When I came here (in the UK) I couldn’t speak English. I could only yes, no. My children were young and I couldn’t work. Then someone told me there are English classes. I didn’t know A from B; I couldn’t read or write a single word. Then I did English for four years and then I could read, write and speak. Can you believe, I didn’t know anything before? Like when you have to go somewhere, you have to say excuse me, can you help me? The classes gave me that confidence. I could sign my own documents and all. And that’s why now I can communicate with my grandchildren, no?

Mamta, who arrived in London in the early 70s takes pride in her achievements in bringing up children, learning English, working in a warehouse. In the focus group, while Mamta was telling how she was scared in the beginning, her 75 year old sister-in-law who was also present in that group laughed and said:

“Mamta and scared? Impossible! I got to know her since she was 7 years old, that’s when I got married and entered the house. She is not scared; she scares other people with her ‘bindhast’ (bold and careless) behaviour. That’s why she learn so fast, no?” Seventy-two year old Mamta’s energy is visible throughout our communication in that focus group. She might have felt a little out of place when she arrived in the UK without having proper knowledge of English. But once she accessed the language through ESOL classes, she has never looked back. She mentions how she forged a bond as a daughter to an elderly white lady supervisor at her warehouse, thus bridging the gap between communities. She also mobilises other Gujarati women to participate in various community activities such as picnics, yoga groups, swimming lessons. She has cared for her 8 grandchildren so that her daughters and daughters-in-law could continue their jobs. Her case underlines that although ESOL provision is currently constructed on a social deficit model, (McDonald, 2007) and does not fully meet participant’s learning needs, it is nevertheless vital for successful language development of learners and can be a stepping stone to the path of success. Studying the impact of language training programmes on immigrant women’s lives in Canada, Duff et al. (2000) observe similar outcomes. They state, “to have been given the opportunity to continue to learn, to obtain marketable skills, to meet new people, to feel like valued individuals with something worthwhile to offer society, and to gain confidence in English language use that extends far beyond the realm of language for work are benefits that have a ripple effect: a growing sense of self, value, competence, and wellbeing in turn has a positive impact on members of participants' immediate families, communities, and society.” The participants in this research showed a very positive attitude towards ESOL courses and shared stories of how they began with zero knowledge of English and how these courses have transformed their lives. In fact, during the period of my field work, I was able to see how Maya and Fatima completed their Level 136_{ESOL exam and started to work}

in a local school as part time school meal assistants. Fatima was so pleased with this achievement that she decided to enrol on a cooking course to take her career further in this field. Rani, who took private lessons to pass her bus driver exam, got her dream job as a 36

driver on London buses. Devi, who had worked in a factory for many years, has started to focus on improving her writing skills. Most participants considered their ESOL classrooms as a safe haven and praised the education system that treats them fairly at least within the classroom structure.

Cooke (2006) shows that teachers need to make the classroom a stable space, adding that they should also be encouraged to invest in each other’s lives, encouraged to invest classroom community as a productive space for learning’ (2006:93). Although attending these courses was challenging owing to lack of availability of good quality childcare, as well as other caring responsibilities at home, the participants’ experiences of ESOL classroom remain very positive.

Macdonald’s (2013) research observed that mothers are keen to struggle to sustain language learning and progress to further education but can be constrained by family responsibilities as well as work patterns. Her research confirms the findings of previous work by Kouritzin (2000), Ward and Spacey (2008), Rosenberg (2007). These findings were not specific to any ethnic group but overall female ESOL students. My research in the specific Gujarati community shows that Gujaratis being a trader community, aspire to rise above such constraints and find a way to make things work for financial stability and upward mobility. Speaking of the community, Gujarati people say that they will make the most of anything that is freely available. Deepa expressed her sadness that she is unable to utilise these courses fully as her work demands more of her time. Leena said that it would be ‘stupid’ not to make use of something that the government is offering freely. However Rani, who paid to improve her English, highlights the women’s desire for betterment. Their sense of practicability of ESOL courses and learning English, makes them highly motivated learners.