Validity and Reliability

In relation to both construct validity and reliability, the author subscribes to a mild- realist approach to the use of photography in academic research. Mild-realists believe

87 that photographs can offer a level or sample of reality, yet they are subject to a complex process of construction, shaped by multiple influences (Tinkler, 2013). These range from the bias of the photographer, to the interpretation of the person analysing the photographic content. The mild-realist position is aligned withinterpretivism, thus individual bias and interpretation are accepted as being intrinsically linked to the research process. Two opposing views are that of the naive-realist, who believes that photographs accurately depict reality without exception, and an anti-realist position, which claims that photographic data cannot accurately represent what people observe, due to the overbearing influence of personal interpretation and each individual

production technique (Tinkler, 2013). Despite varying points of view, photographs are able to offer a precise and reliable data collection method, uninhibited by fading memory (Stanczak, 2007). Yet it must be acknowledged that all are influenced by a purpose or intended message, and personal interests, which are not always ostensive (Holm, 2014).

Although a mild-realist position is adopted, photographs of zoological street furniture taken by the author have been deemed to represent the case study unit of analysis with a high level of accuracy, as they were taken specifically for this thesis. In all instances, photographic practice has been exclusively guided by the thesis research aim. While the images are subjective, they provide a focused account. In addition, firsthand knowledge of the process of generating photographs has enhanced confidence in image credibility. This justification is supported by criticisms levied at archival photographs. Holm (2014) notes that most photographs from an archive are anonymised, thus the intentions of the photographer and contextual factors are unknown. Confidence is also derived from the social simplicity of street furniture. When photographing people, for instance, the presence of a camera may influence behavioural changes (Gray, 2014), but this is not the case for street furniture. Its inert form alone cannot act in a spontaneous or contrived manner, at the point at which a photograph is taken.

With regards to internal and external validity, it is important to state that all street furniture photographs were taken without any form of intervention. None of the

photographs infer anything inauthentic, enhancing internal validity. For example, signs were not cleaned prior to being photographed. Intervention in this context relates to typicality (Tinkler, 2013). As all images are presented alongside detailed explanatory

88 text, typicality and correlated external validity are both discussed, in terms of how many case study sites housed comparable items of street furniture. Providing contextual detail, such as this, allows photographs to contribute towards external validity (Adelman, 2005).

Prosser (2005) states that for many orthodox qualitative researchers, the transitory nature of photography is perceived as a threat to construct validity. He explains that compared to filmmaking, photography typically captures only one sixteenth of a second worth of data, while the length of filmmaking normally offers far greater contextual data, through movement and speech. To alleviate this validity threat, Prosser (2005) suggests that researchers present multiple photographs, alongside contextual narrative. This advice has been heeded and is evidenced throughout thesis output.

With digital photography, there is a heightened potential for image manipulation distorting depictions of reality (Hofer and Swan, 2005). When this takes place, the integrity of research is challenged, as photography can be seen to deceive or mislead (Goldstein, 2007). Image manipulation concerns link most pertinently to construct validity and reliability. Editing of case study images has been limited, despite the fact that all the photographs are digital. For some of the images cropping has been

undertaken. This has been done to draw attention to significant access issues, increasing clarity for the reader. In relation to cropping, Goldstein (2007) argues that such a

process always takes place, yet more typically at a temporal rather than a spatial level. He explains that the process of image creation involves cropping from the outset, when photographers point their camera, thus disparaging the post-acquisition cropping process is often nonsensical. The opposing view is that cropping reduces the contextual frame of reference (Banks, 2001). In summary, while photographs can be polysemous or mendacious, they generally offer accuracy in academic output, and this is certainly the case for this thesis. Ultimately, authenticity is determined by the honesty of the photographer.

4.4.1.3 Ethics

Due to the strictly inanimate nature of street furniture, many customary ethical concerns have not been relevant when generating case study photographs. Informed consent and

89 anonymity should both be taken into consideration when images of people form part of research output (Holm, 2014). When using photography as a research method informed consent refers to permission to produce and publish images, which is understood and given freely (Wiles, Coffey, Robinson, and Heath, 2012). Within this context

anonymity ensures that identity is not disclosed (Stokes, 2011), something typically impossible to guarantee when dealing with visual data (Wiles et al, 2012). Even small details within an image, such as an item of clothing, may reveal someone's identity (Holm, 2014). However, as there are no images of people presented within this thesis, issues regarding informed consent and anonymity for photographs are largely

immaterial.

None of the thesis photographs include children, or evidence of any criminal activity. Equally, none of the images included promote any form of discrimination or present people in an undignified manner. All of these types of photographs present specific ethical concerns (Tinkler, 2013), not relevant in this instance, despite their obvious importance. Issues surrounding covert photography, such as an inability to obtain informed consent or elicit personal opinion (Collins, 2010), are also not applicable, when generating street furniture photography.

A final ethical concern when using photography as a research method is reputational harm (Wiles et al, 2012). Photographs of inaccessible street furniture, for example, can reflect poorly upon the locations in which they are found, or are claimed to be found. This presents a relevant concern with regards to harm, in that they can damage the reputation of an organisation. It is important therefore to consider if photographic data is generally representative or if it illustrates an exception to the rule. Supportive

narrative can address the need for clarification. Photographs presented within this thesis serve a sole purpose regarding the research aim; consequently, reputational harm is admittedly a secondary concern. While there has been no intention to damage the reputation of any specific zoological garden through research output, a resultant message that accessibility is subpar only serves to highlight further the need for inclusive design, and as a result the need to better understand the application of inclusive design as an analytical tool.

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