110 A more positive note is apparent in the thought that the disasters
112 VI Divine intervention and human participation
The extent of divine intervention in battle is one of the most
important factors for assessing the character of the Maccabaean
wars, Equally crucial is the question of how the writers relate
human warrior activity to divine intervention.
It is readily apparent that here the authors of First and Second
Maccabees differ considerably from each other in their presentation
of the revolt. It is important to realise, however, that the
differences between First and Second Maccabees detract neither from
the authenticity cf the books nor from their historical value (440).
In general. First Maccabees is concerned to extol the heroic deeds
of the house of Hashmon and their victorious armies, whereas Second
Maccabees presents a more spiritual and theologically-motivated
portrayal, central to which is the eo^hasis on the miraculous.
Our purpose in examining the evidence of both authors is to show that their accovmts of the Maccabaean Revolt are not essentially contradictory, and that in fact the conceptual presentation in each case has its place in the total tradition-history of holy war.
First Maccabees
G. von Rad, following Schûrer and Bickermann, rightly notes the
absence of direct miraculous intervention in First Maccabees (44l). Whether this is sufficient reason, however, for the conclusion that
the Maccabaean campaigns were not conducted on the lines of holy war, may well be questioned. We have already noted evidence in First Maccabees of authentic holy war concepts and practices and significant developments and extensions of the same —
especially the new emphasis on cultic (penitential) preparation for battle, enquiry of God, the role and content of war speeches, the important references to warrior consecration, and the vital concept of seal for the whole ethos of the Maccabaean struggle, Now we must consider further evidence in .First 1‘iaccabees pertaining more specifically to the concept of divine intervention and to the related question of human warrior activity.
As noted above (p 91), holy war motifs are found in pre-battle addresses and prayers (l M 3.18-22; 4.8-11,31-33, 9*46).
Some indication of a belief in divine add and intervention is apparent in these passages.
Particularly important is the motif of God "crushing” the enemy (1 M 3.22; 4.10; of 7*42) (442).
The motif of divine deliverance is also evident. Judas prays that
God will deliver the enemy into their power (1 M 4.31). This is a
fundamental concept in the ancient war tradition, where it is taken
up in the divine promises of victory and in the war leader ' s
encouragement address (cf supra pp 1 9 - 2 0 & notes (95) (96)). ¥e may
compare the reference to God as "Deliverer of Israel” (l M 3*4o),
Similarly, Jonathan calls on his men to pray to God to save them
from the hands of the enemy (l M 9.46), According to 1 Maccabees
12.15 » Jonathan states in a letter to the Spartans s
"Ve have the aid of Heaven to help us, and so we have been saved from our enemies and they have been humbled” .
Again, in Judas' prayer we may discern a hint of the concept of divine panic and the accompanying motifs of confusion and the enemy's strength turned to weakness (l M 4.31b-32).
The practice of pre-battle prayer is an outstanding feature of the Maccabaean narratives. Divine help is consistently sought by means of prayer (1 M 3.53; 4.10,30-33; 7.40-42), Indeed, it may be
suggested that the "cry to Heaven" for help (of 1 M 3.50a; 4.10,40; 5.31; 9.46) to some extent replaces the ancient practice of seeking divine guidance and help by oracular means. The close association of prayer with battle is even more apparent in 1 Maccabees 5.33 where the sounding of the battle trumpets is followed by shouts of prayer instead of the customary battle-cry.
A few passages indicate clearly that God is believed to be the
author and giver of victory (l M 4.10-11,31-33; cf 3.22,53).
Especially relevant is the subordinate clause in 1 Maccabees 4.11 , since it presents the ftmdamental motivation of the concept of
divine action on behalf of His people :
*..,. then all the nations will know that there is one who saves and liberates Israel", .
In the Old Testament this statement essentially sums up the saving acts of Yahweh (cf supra p 91).
Admittedly, in the descriptions of the fighting which immediately follow the various passages mentioned above, the author of First Maccabees makes no reference to actual divine intervention, panic or deliverance, but records the battle action from a purely human standpoint (cf 1 M 3.23f; 4.12-15,34; 5.34ff; ?.43-46; 9.4?ff).
114 '
It must be observed, however, that the "human” fighting in each ease is quite briefly and sketchily described — the preliminaries of battle receive the greater emphasis. This is even more obvious in the contrast between the detailed description of the Mizpah
assembly and the subsequent account of the battle of Bmmaus. Is this perhaps a deliberate contrast, and are we therefore entitled to
assume that the war preparations, speeches, and prayers are more important for the author than the description of the battle itself ? In this connection it is noteworthy that G. von Rad, with reference to the David and Goliath narrative, draws attention to "the shift almost of the whole event into the spiritual sphere of the speeches"
(44-3) • In First Maccabees the war speeches and prayers are Important in themselves as indicating the meaning of the revolt for the author. Further, since the author was a contemporary, or near contemporary of the events which he describes (444), we may reasonably suppose that his views mirror the beliefs and opinions of the faithful Jews, especially the Hasidaeans, of the period, and that his work, therefore, fairly represents the mind of the Maccabees and the spiritual ethos and thought-background of their wars. Moreover, since the war speeches and prayers form an integral part of the narrative, we should not draw too sharp a distinction between them and the subsequent (briefly described) fighting. A more fundamental question concerns the author's deliberate
"glorification" of the Hasmonaeans and their men.
This attitude accords with the peculiarly "secular" nuance of many of the author's comments (445). F.-M. Abel remarks that the "glory" motif "may be regarded as a Greek infiltration into the author's
environment” (446),
¥e must not, however, overlook the considerable role of the human warrior in the earliest war traditions of ancient Israel. There too, human endeavour merited praise, and human war-leaders were duly glorified. This is seen in the Deborah-Barak battle. The participating tribes are praised for their willing offering of
themselves to Yahweh (ju 5.2,9»14f,18), and Jael is honoured for her efficient dispatch of Sisera (Ju 5.24-2?). With the heroic actions of Bhud and Shamgar (ju 3.15-23,31) we may compare the outstanding example of Bleazar's self-sacrifice in battle (1 M 6. 43-46).
All the Old Testament charismatic war-deliverers are portrayed as truly heroic figures. Above all, David the warrior is glorified in the victory songs of the women;
115
"Saul has slain his thousands, David his tens of thousands."(1 Sam 18.7; 21.11) G. von Rad maintains, with reference to the ancient holy war
tradition, that, although victory is in the ultimate due solely to Yahweh, human activity in battle is not thereby excluded (447). Thus, participation in Yahweh®s wars can be described as "coming to the help of Yahweh" (ju 5«23).
In First Maccabees, in a comparable way, we find divine activity and human effort closely associated'. Thus, in one remarkable passage Judas prays to God;
"Overthrow them by the sword of those who love Thee" (l M 4.33). This statement probably best suras up the author's idea of holy war, and his understanding of the relation between divine and human
activity in the Maccabaean battles. It is important to see that for the author there seems to be no essential contradiction or any sense of paradox here. In the presentation of First Maccabees, therefore, emphasis on human activity, especially as exemplified in "zealous" action in support of the Law (cf supra p 106), may well correspond to those aspects of the tradition-history of holy war which clearly indicate an active fighting role for the human warrior.
Numbers unimportant
A corollary to the principle of divine help in battle is the concept that "victory does not depend on numbers". This is explicitly I stated in 1 Maccabees 3*19 • In the same passage (v 1 7) the reaction I of Judas* followers to Seron's massive fighting force echoes the
fear of the Hebrew spies returning from their initial sortie into Canaan (Nu 13*28), and the first part of Judas' reply;
".... it makes no difference to Heaven to save by many or by few* (1 M 3*18), resembles the confidence expressed by Jonathan before
his exploit against the Philistine outpost (1 Sam 14,6). We may 5 recall also how Gideon is made to reduce his army before Yahweh will guarantee victory (Ju 7 .2,4,7). In another Maccabaean passage Judas exhorts his men not to fear the great numbers of the enemy (1 M 4.8). The contrast between military strength and divine power is taken up by the writer of Second Maccabees. Some indication of the inadequacy
and futility of human forces is found in 1 Maccabees 4.31b~32 . j
/Hellsgeschichte
116
i
Hellsgeschichte f
Al Significantly, the recall of past saving acts of Yahweh also forms part of the content of the prayers and war addresses in First Maccabees.
Before the battle of Bmmaus, Judas recalls the crossing of the Sea (l M
4.9
Î Bx 14,13-31)• In his prayer before the battle against Lysias, Judas recalls the episode of David and Goliath, and theattack of Jonathan and his armour-bearer on the Philistine outpost |j (l M
4.30
: 1 Sam 17.45—47; 14,1-16). Prior to the battle againstNicanor, again in a prayer, Judas recalls the miraculous decimation v| of Sennacherib's forces by Yahweh*® destroying angel (l M ?.4l :
1
2 K19
*35
) — in the Maccabaean passage it is notable that it is-.4