Seeing that the one-party system was envitable, SLPP MPs crossed the floor and became members of the 'Recognised Party' , the APC and the one-party Constitution was adopted. 2 President Siaka Stevens became the
President under the one-party Constitution. In 1985 he retired as the
President of Sierra Leone but remained as Chairman of APC. The APC National Delegates' Conference, the equivalent of CCM's National Conference and UNIP's Party Congress, chose Major-General Joseph Momoh, head of the military, as the Presidential Candidate and he was duly elected the President of Sierra Leone on a 'Yes' or 'No' basis and took office on 28th November, 1985. Stevens remained Chairman of the APC. The 10th APC h e l d between 27th-30th January, 1989, abolished the post of party chairman on the ground that the post had been specially created for Stevens who
3 d i e d in June, 1988.
In Zambia Kaunda has led UNIP since 1960 although his title has had a chequered history. Before Independence the leader of UNIP was called President and soon after Independence, General Secretary. Following the introduction of the One-Party system, he reverted to the title
1. Riley, S. and Parfitt, T.W., "Party or Masquerade? The All People's Congress of Sierra Leone", J C C P , Vol. XXV, July, 1987, No. 2, p. 172.
2. Sierra Leone: On control of opposition parties, see Electoral Provisions (Political Parties) Acts, 1971 No. 15, 1972, No. 24 and 1973, No. 27.
3. Zambia Daily Mail, 1st February, 1989, 'Party chairmanship post abolished, p. 1.
of President. Between 1959 and 1973 the General Conference elected a chairman who chaired both the General Conference and the National Council. He was, however, subordinate to the General Secretary of the Party. In and after 1973 the General Conference elected the President of the Party who was not chairman of either the General Conference or the National Council. Instead, the National Council elected an ad hoc chairman who presided over the National Council which elected him or any General Conference h e l d during that year of his election.^" He was, of course, subordinate to the President of the Party. The system worked well and it provided an opportunity to those persons aiming at national leadership to test their popularity by contesting the chairmanship of each of the sessions o f the National Council. It also p r o v i d e d the
delegates w i t h an opportunity to elect a chairman of their choice. Above all, delegates spoke freely before a conference chaired by one of their own number and choice. The system, however, h a d some weaknesses, for instance, the ad hoc chairman had no further national or Party duties after the conference. It can, therefore, be argued that UNIP had in fact no chairman. The affairs of the Party were managed by the President and the Secretary-General a n d Chairmen of sub-Committees.
The 1988 Party Constitution now provides for a standing chairman of the Party, 2 and President Kaunda assumed both the Presidency
and chairmanship of the Party. On the face of it, this was a retrogressive development. The separation in the chairmanship of CCM and the Presidency in Tanzania re-establishes the dichotomy between the Party and the
Government. That extenuated the centralization of power in one person as President of the State and Chairman of the Party. The chairmanship of U NIP by the President means further concentration of more po w e r in the
President at the expense of the 'supremacy of the Party'.
1. UNIP: Constitution, 1973, Art. 30(1) and Constitution, 1978, Reg* 76 (h) .
2. Constitution, 1988, Art. 74(b); he chairs the Party Congress, the National Council, the Central Committee and Committee of Chairmen of Committees.
The 1988 constitutional changes in U NIP m i g h t be indicative of pending retirement of President Kaunda and to facilitate his remaining Chairman of the Party after relinguishing the presidency o f the State on the Tanzanian and Sierra Leonian fashions. There is merit in securing and maintaining a separation of the leadership of the Party and the Government even under a one-party system. There is simply too much
concentration of po w e r in the presidency, for instance, all executive
1 2
power is vested in the President, and he is a component of Parliament.
He is also vested with powers under the Constitution o f the Party. There are no checks and balances under the One-Party in as far as internal organization of the Party is concerned. Ideally, there should be room for constructive ctiticism of the Party by the Government and vice versa.
Concentration of p ower in the President results in a personalized leadership w h i c h becomes, difficult to criticize or dislodge. With most of the African States failing to run a successful two or multi-party system, a few managing only a one-party system, and the majority going without any form of political organization, at least some effort should be made by those in the leadership to democratize the internal
organization of the Party by allowing competitive election, genuine voting system and diversification of the leadership at all levels.
Government, or, an age-limlt beyond which- a person shou l d not hold the office of President of a party or Government. A l though Tanzania has taken a lead by restricting the President of Tanzania to a m a x i m u m of two
3
five-year terms, Zimbabwe's Constitution is devoid o f any provision on The emerging 'gimmick^ whereby former Presidents retain the
the number of terras a person may serve a s President of "ar'party or a chairmanship of the ruling party, justifies putting feerms—limit on
terms-limit or age-limit for the President of the State.4
1. Zambia:
2
.
Constitution of Zambia Act, 1973, Art. 53 ibid. Art. 63
3. Tanzania:
4. Zimbabwe:
Fifth-Constitution Amendment Act, 1984, sec. 40(2) Constitution of Zimbabwe (Amendment) Act, 1987, No. 7, secs. 28 and 29; s u p r a , p. 140.
Section 4. Safeguards of Members* Right to Participate in Party