Wasta and Historical Perspective

One of the key considerations recognised in the research findings is a particular social value described by the Arabic word ‗wasta‘. During the course of interviews conducted for this research, this term was frequently used as principals explained their perspectives. Accordingly, the objective of this section is to provide a historical summary of wasta with regard to its development in the Saudi context. As I will explain further in the findings chapter, understanding the concept of wasta is central to an understanding of the motivations and perspectives of those involved in the education system, as well as the acquisition of resources.

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In Saudi Arabia, in much the same way as in other Arab countries, wasta is deeply embedded in the culture, and therefore has a significant impact on people‘s lives. It is recognised as the use of connections in order to gain benefit (Hutchings and Weir, 2006). The concept is derived from the clan, family and tribal links and networks that dominate and control the Arab world‘s social domain (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993; Hutchings and Weir, 2006). Wasta is a recognised force in all important decisions made in the Arab context (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993).

It is worth noting that, although the use of wasta is widespread throughout the Arab world, comparable practices are also recognised in other areas in the world. Accordingly, wasta may be recognised as a mix of different networks, both internal and external, all of which are considered in literature in the Western context (Michael and Yukl, 1993). It is acknowledged that wasta is comparable to similar terms utilised in other areas, including ‗jeitinho‘ in Brazil, ‗guanx‘i in China and ‗svyazi‘ in Russia (Smith et al., 2011). Although internationalization, along with the lesser role adopted by state-owned entities in China, results in less importance being assigned to guanxi, in the Arab world, the organisational foundation is predominantly focused on wasta (Hutchings and Weir, 2006). Furthermore, ‗protekzia‘, which is comparable to wasta, is used in Israel (Izraeli, 1997). In line with the significance of its effects in Israel, protekzia is also known as ‗Vitamin P‘ (Kordova, 2012). Similarly, in Saudi Arabia,

wasta is commonly referred to as ‗Vitamin Waw‘ or ‗Vitamin W‘ (Al-Maeena, 2001).

The concept of wasta differs from those of cronyism and nepotism: the former relates to the appointment of close friends as ‗hangers-on‘ to office, whilst the latter is concerned with kinship. Although nepotism is seen to involve the hiring of relatives, cronyism, on the other hand, encompasses the hiring of friends. In this respect, it should be noted that

wasta is not limited to particular groups, and in some instances, the client and customer

may be strangers (Mohamed and Mohamad, 2011). Wasta is therefore wider than cronyism and nepotism, which can be seen as aspects of wasta.

From a historical perspective, casual, social-based networks and links in relation to clans, family and kinship are recognised as having played a fundamental role in the social lives of Arabs, as a way of overcoming community and local issues in an effort to

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enable resource management, as well as in negotiations with authority (Al-Hussan, 2011). Moreover, wasta was also utilised as a way of managing relationships among Arab tribes and families, through the good office of an intermediary, to act between conflicting parties (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993). The main wasta channel is represented by the family as the basis for gaining advantages through the socio-political domain in the Arab context (Neal, 2010). It plays a key role in terms of social security, and is widely adopted in place of a formalised organisational welfare system (Al- Ramahi, 2008; El-Said and Harrigan, 2009).

The concept of wasta also includes the involvement of a patron in favour of a client with the objective of securing beneficial outcomes and resources from a third party (Al- Ramahi, 2008). Despite the fact that this was originally centred on family loyalty, wasta links have developed and extended to involve friends, acquaintances, and the community (El-Said and Harrigan, 2009). This is owing to the fact that Arabs feel responsibility towards both their family and their wider network. Accordingly, in wasta, reciprocity or mutuality and exchange are fundamental, forming the foundation for social relations in the Arab world (El-Said and Harrigan, 2009).

Although the extent of the adoption of wasta differs from one Arab country to the next,

wasta can be seen in various long-term elements in the Arab context (Cunningham and

Sarayrah, 1993; Kilani and Sakijha, 2002). In the Arab world generally and in Saudi Arabia in particular, to date, very little research has focused on wasta. Below are various examples of research carried out in the Saudi Arabia and various Gulf countries with comparable cultures to Saudi Arabia. Accordingly, wasta is recognised as a ubiquitous element in Saudi culture, affecting the business, economic, political and social spheres. In Saudi research by Al-Faisal (1993), the vast majority (88%) of the sample held the view that wasta referred to a standard of loyalty, as perceived by families, with more than half (57%) recognising wasta as the friendship standard. Furthermore, a large proportion (79%) did not consider wasta to be a social deviation. Perhaps the reason for this result is that the sense of belonging among members of the community increases when they promote of common values (Van Kraayenoord, 2007).

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In addition, a study carried out in the United Arab Emirates found that more than half of the sample believed in the value of wasta in terms of promoting an individual‘s career (Mohamed and Mohamad, 2011). Furthermore, Neal (2010) revealed that the majority of their female subjects from Oman showed a preference for leaders with the capacity to secure wasta for their followers. In the context of Kuwait, wasta dependence is significant, with its use recognised as all-encompassing (Ali and Al-Kazemi 2006). In a number of other Arab countries, it can be seen that wasta is widespread. In Jordan, for example, wasta is required in all areas, even for such a simple act as obtaining a driving licence; thus, rules and regulations are often disregarded in consideration of wasta (El- Said and Harrigan, 2009). Loewe et al. (2008) provide a further example, showing that Jordanians recognise wasta as being linked with loyalty and solidarity. Loewe et al. (2008) pointed out that the interviewees emphasised that there is great reliance on wasta as it is not possible to circumvent bureaucratic issues through other avenues. Such results suggest that wasta underpins and supports Arab societies as opposed to being responsible for their decline.

Wasta is maintained due to weak institutional frameworks in the Arab world, as well as

by intrinsic ties to family links, social structures, and trust (Hutchings and Weir, 2006; Mohamed and Mohamad, 2011). Nevertheless, in the media in the Arab world, wasta is neither supported nor encouraged. Kilani and Sakijha (2002) in their study in the Jordanian context, found that the vast majority (90%) of the respondents to their survey sought to eliminate and remove wasta. In the work environment, wasta is a fundamental factor in the recruitment of individuals, and therefore in successful careers. Accordingly, those with notable wealth and/or influence, affecting public or private organisations, utilise and direct wasta connections in an effort to achieve positive outcomes (Cunningham and Sarayrah, 1993). In some way, wasta can therefore be seen to provide a number of unfair advantages amongst those who might not necessarily be deserving of them (Metcalfe, 2006). Makhoul and Harrison (2004) found wasta to be ineffective, suggesting that its use sometimes results in poor job performance. Overall, wasta is recognised by Arabs as a negative concept (Hutchings and Weir, 2006).

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It should be recognised that, despite wasta being deeply embedded within Arab culture, Muslim teachings oppose the concept. Tribal values are supported by Islam, with the value and significance of group relations and family emphasised through the establishment and development of cohesion, cooperation, loyalty, patience and trust (Abuznaid, 2006). Islam accords great importance to allowing all individuals the same rights and advantages (Ali and Al-Kazemi, 2006). Nevertheless, because wasta is so dominant in Saudi culture, it is also present in the school system. It is difficult to comment on the overall influence of wasta in improving inclusive education; in some cases, it is likely to have a positive impact. For example, if principals require resources quickly they can obtain them from friends at the local authority, whilst there are other cases when it can be a negative factor, for example, for principals without friends working in the local authority.