THE THIRD WAVE OF BRAZILIAN PENTECOSTALISM AND THE BEGINNING OF THE

The UCKG finally arrived in the third Pentecostal wave (Freston, 1993: 95), also known as Neo-Pentecostalism (Mariano, 2012: 34), in the 1970s. Edir Macedo was the main leader of the church from its beginning. A member of New Life until the year of 1975, he left this institution to found the UCKG with Roberto Lopes and Romildo Soares. Their aim was to make the message of their new church less elitist than the church of McAlister, who focused his preaching on the middle class. The first temple of the new religious enterprise was located in the neighbourhood of Abolição, a suburban area of Rio de Janeiro, in a house that had previously operated as a funeral home (Souza, 2010: 288). However, as noted by Freston (1993: 96) and Mariano (2012: 32), other denominations were also part of this new moment of Brazilian Pentecostalism, including the International Church of the Grace of God, founded by Romildo Soares (co-founder of the Universal Church) in 1980, the Heal Our Land Church (1976), and Christ Lives (1986), among others. The main features of Pentecostalism from that period were spiritual warfare

against the Devil15_{, prosperity theology and the rejection of customs and practices that}

had been common to previous periods of Brazilian Pentecostalism, including a break from the strong focus on asceticism, and a greater worldliness among members (Souza, 2010: 250).

Prosperity theology came mainly from the American theologian Kenneth Hagin and the televangelist Oral Roberts. They preached that offerings by the faithful in the form of money would return due to their faith in Christ. The more you give the more you get or earn back. From the mid-1950s onwards, both leaders had considerable exposure in the U.S., but as of the 1970s, with the promise of even greater financial return for tithes, made by Hagin's disciple Kenneth Copeland, prosperity theology spread itself even further. Through the influence of Hagin, Macedo brought prosperity theology to Brazil, but also democratises it a little more. During the 1970s, Brazil was at the height of a military

dictatorship and the so-called ‘economic miracle’ meant that the country experienced

inflated economic growth during this decade, especially in the beginning. Hence, the possibility of social mobility was a discourse present in the lives of Brazilian people, and

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even if this did not materialise for most of them, the military government focused a lot of energy on propaganda promoting economic growth and nationalism.

Macedo’s break with Robert McAlister of the New Life Church in the second half of the 1970s is connected with this political and social discourse. While McAlister wanted New

Life to remain a more elitist church, Macedo – a member of the church at the time –

wanted the mission and ‘new life’ to be for everyone, especially for the people in the favelas (Lehmann, 1996: 122). For Macedo, a key feature of his church was that the world was divided into the converted and the unconverted and not into classes or races. The church’s message should be for everyone. The theology of prosperity that would come to the newly founded UCKG in 1977 put all the responsibility for social mobility and economic stability in the hands of the individual as a matter of true faith: if he/she did not prosper, the guilt would be solely his/hers, because of his/her lack of faith. This theology carries a form of bargaining between the faithful and God. The offering of money donated by the faithful to the church is a promissory note that God must necessarily redeem to the one who offers it. Vagner Gonçalves da Silva noted a similar relationship in Afro-Brazilian religions. The offering as a way to ensnare spiritual entities is a premise of both Afro- Brazilian religions and popular Catholicism. For example, the UCKG often blesses candies and offers them on the day of Saints Cosmas and Damian, afraid that children

will eat candies coming from other religiosities (Silva, 2005: 165)16_{. Other features, such}

as the trance in exorcism, the use of specific days to fight evil when the Afro-Brazilian religions praise their entities and items such as rue, salt and anointed oil are also ways of appealing to the popular religious traditions and its magical imagination (Ibid.: 164). While it is highly rational in its dealings with money, being influenced by American theologians, the theology of the UCKG can materialise its monetary core in accordance with popular rites, and even incorporate it effectively into its practice.

Hagin was also responsible for the preaching of the Health and Wealth Gospel, especially

through his book The Name of Jesus (2010). In one of his sermons, Romildo Soares cited

Hagin’s book, saying that after reading it he had never had any other diseases (Proença, 2010: 376). Pentecostalism’s historical characteristic of spiritualism now appeared in a new sense, in which adherents could stay healthy all the time, so long as they remained in a state of grace with the Holy Spirit, always. Another important factor at this historical moment was the church’s appearance on open television channels, as a way to spread

16 _{The day of Saints Cosmas and Damian is celebrated on September 26 by the Catholic Church and on the}

next day by Umbanda. Delivering sweets to children is very common during this period. Vagner Gonçalves da Silva has made a table aligning the days of devotion of Catholicism, Afro-Brazilian religions and the UCKG, respectively (Silva, 2005: 165). There are, according to his table, around a dozen dates shared by these religions that have special relevance in the Brazilian context.

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the message of various neo-Pentecostal churches. Today, Macedo has the second largest television channel in Brazil, in addition to numerous radio stations, both inside and outside Brazil. However, as noted by Elton de Souza (2010: 268), despite the theological influence of American theologians and televangelists, the main goal of the propaganda and TV shows of the Brazilian churches is to attract people to services. The gospel industry – music albums, books, movies – is an important part of the process, but the aim is to bring both the spectator and the consumer to the nearest temple available.

The ability to cure diseases acquired a more aggressive characteristic after the Fuller Theological Seminar, in the late 1980s. In addition to the spiritual struggle waged against the demonic forces that could control individuals, there was now also an extension of demonic possession to other family members, which could be inherited. The whole family needs to be clean in order to cast out the demons. The practice of mass exorcism gained strength, and performed the double function of converting all members of a family in a less restrictive way than some sectarian churches, such as God is Love, which simply forbade the marriage of their members with people who did not share the same faith. Macedo discusses the theological perspective of demons in families in his 1987 book: Orixás, caboclos e guias: Deuses ou demônios? He says there that Kardecism and Afro- Brazilian religions only have manifestations of demonic entities. Some authors understand the UCKG’s persecution of Afro-Brazilian religions as having a socio- economic vein (Mariano, 2007: 140; Pereira, 2010: 295). However, Kardecism is usually a middle-class religion that manifests spirits, including dead relatives, and is a common target for the UCKG as well. Every spiritual manifestation related to entities is always demonic according to members of the UCKG; the only true spiritual manifestations are those related to the gifts of the Holy Spirit. Attacks that focus more on religions with an African background are a way to target a specific public. Kardecism, in Brazil, is a religion more connected to the middle classes of society.

Historically, Pentecostalism is a religion of the poor, and it has dealt most of the time with poor people. Although this has changed a little with the greater flexibility of social classes within Brazilian Pentecostalism, the vast majority of the faithful still have very limited finances (Mariano, 2004: 130). This economic aspect leads Chesnut (1997: 105) to suggest that Pentecostalism is a way to cure poverty, since there are ties among the members – which sometimes do without the priest – who aid in trying to help improve each other’s financial conditions. If we consider the suburban context of Rio de Janeiro, where the UCKG and several Pentecostal churches of the third wave began, the issue becomes clearer. The suburban areas of Rio de Janeiro are made up of many descendants of slaves. The potential members thus have a prior knowledge of the

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(usually Afro-Brazilian) entities considered demonic by the UCKG, and the church has a predilection for raising new believers with prior knowledge of its demons. After all, Macedo’s institution recognises the power of Afro-Brazilian religions and their entities; the problem is that this power always has a demonic characteristic (Lehmann, 1996, p. 145). The UCKG’s bias may be religious but it is not socioeconomic. Although it is ahead of most Brazilian Pentecostal denominations in relation to the educational and socioeconomic status of the faithful, this still does not make it a form of religious elite, as the number of people without a university degree was more than 80% in 2004 (Bohn, 2004: 14). This data was available at the time of Mariano’s (2007) and Pereira’s (2010) comments, which renders their analysis problematic.

Like Brazilian Pentecostalism in general, the UCKG has also grown institutionally over the decades. Pentecostalism in Brazil is the fastest growing religious denomination in the country, even if we compare it with other Protestant movements in recent decades, reaching its peak in the year 2000. The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) suggests that the UCKG had over 2 million members in that year, a figure that had declined by 2010. Now, according to the IBGE, the number of UCKG faithful is somewhere around 1.8 million. Nevertheless, growth in other places was huge, especially in Africa and Latin America (Freston, 2005: 39). The decrease in the numbers of faithful in Brazilian territory can be explained by increased competition from other denominations in recent decades, especially in the media. From the UCKG’s first decades until the mid-

2000s, Rede Record, Macedo’s television network, had a virtual monopoly over religious

broadcasting, with the main exception being the co-founder of the UCKG, Romildo Soares, and his institution, the International Church of the Graces of God. Today, other segments on television are not uncommon: leaders of The Assemblies of God have also begun to have more airtime on Brazilian television, especially the priest Silas Malafaia and the priest and congressional representative Marco Feliciano, for example. Dissenters from the UCKG have also increased the competition for believers. The priest Valdemiro Santiago and his World Church of the Power of God illustrate this. A former member and priest of the UCKG, he was expelled for disagreements in 1998. He founded his own church after that, in direct competition with the UCKG (Bitun, 2009, p. 72). A marker of its success is that, in 2000, Santiago’s church did not appear in the IBGE statistics, but by 2010, it had seen exponential growth, numbering 300,000 members. The greatest proof that the new church is a real threat to the UCKG, however, comes from the services of Macedo’s church. He has begun to cast out demonic entities who claim to come from the World Church of the Power of God. The dispute with former members has thus taken on proportions beyond the physical world. Marina Manduchi (2014: 44) even proposes that

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the Daniel Fast, a church campaign that commands members to avoid distractions like television, may have been created as a result of the media space that Valdemiro has gained in the past few years. Santiago’s church is currently the main competitor of the UCKG, but it is far from being the only one. Pentecostal churches with even more relaxed customs, and that move towards specific social groups, exemplify this phenomenon. The Snowball Church has geared itself to appeal specifically to a group of sportspeople and young people, mainly surfers and skaters, and models itself specifically on the language and practice of these social groups.

The competitiveness of the UCKG is important, as we shall see throughout the thesis, and always permeates the religious message and institutional growth of the church. The UCKG had struggles with other religions and media together with public opinion in many countries, especially in Brazil, where Edir Macedo was arrested in 1992, accused of

embezzlement and quackery17_{. To understand both the growth of the church and its}

bellicosity against what they see as the Devil, the othering process is fundamental, especially as it appears in the work of Elias and Scotson (1994). Furthermore, since the church is not rooted historically anywhere in the world like older traditions, there is a constant move towards both confrontation with, and incorporation of, these traditions. It operates also as a form of behaviour – which is perhaps the main point of this research – of church members towards themselves, in a process that I have called self-othering. As a third wave of Brazilian Pentecostalism, with its own characteristics and message, the

church provides a unique kind of transformation – via conversion – and commitmentfor

the members. However, I believe that it was first necessary to offer, in this chapter, an explanation of the social environment in Brazil from which the church has come.

17 _{In: http://www.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,relembre-as-denuncias-e-investigacoes-sobre-a-igreja-}

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