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12009:8) In 1930, the year of the first official census, the city had 1,558,

inhabitants: 914,939 natives, 7,158 Europeans and others of the same status, 11,710 Chinese, and 201 other Foreign Orientals (Volkstelling 1930, 1931a: 2-3).

In the first census after Indonesian independence, in 1961, the inhabitants of the Special Region of Yogyakarta totalled 2,233,791. Between 1971 and 1980, the population increased steadily from 2,488,544 to 2,750,128, and between 2000 and 2010 from 3,120,478 to 3,457,491 (BPS-DIY, 2011). Table 1.5 shows that the city has a high population density. The highest density is in the municipality or city of Yogyakarta, followed by the regency of Sleman and the regency of Bantul respectively.

Table 1.7 Population and population density in the Special Region of Yogyakarta,

2010

Municipality/ Regency

Population Area Density (Person/Km2) N % Km2 % Yogyakarta 388,627 11.24 32.50 1.02 11,957. 75 Sleman 1,093,110 31.62 574.82 18.04 1,901.67 Bantul 911,503 26.36 506.85 15.91 1,798.37 Kulon Progo 388,869 11.25 586.27 18.40 663.29 Gunung Kidul 675,382 19.53 1,485.36 46.63 454.69 Total 3,457,491 100.00 3,185.80 100.00 1,085.28 Source: BPS-DIY, 2011.

Although Javanese make up the majority of the population, several minority groups have lived in Yogyakarta ever since its foundation. In the past, both the indigenous population and foreign minorities lived in their own quarters. The original names for those quarters still exist, and reflect the ethnic groups who lived there. For instance, Kranggan and Ketandan were the Chinese quarters; Kotabaru (New Town) and Loji Kecil were Dutch; Kampung Bugisan was originally the quarter for Buginese, who mainly worked as soldiers at the royal court; Kampung Menduran was Madurese and Sayidan the quarter for Arabs. Although quite a number of Chinese still live in the old Chinese quarter and most of its buildings are owned by Chinese, the majority moved to new areas after independence.

Nowadays, a greater variety of ethnicities live in the city than in the past, although with the exception of Javanese, most groups are quite small. The census of 2010 gives a good picture of the ethnic composition of the population (see Table 1.6). Of the small ethnic groups, Sundanese, Malay and Chinese are larger in number

than Batak, Madurese, Dayak and groups from East Nusa Tenggara. Students from beyond greater Yogyakarta are not represented in the table, as they are registered as temporary migrants.

Table 1.8 Ethnic composition of the Special Region of Yogyakarta, 2010.

Ethnicity N % Javanese 3,331,355 96,54 Sundanese 23,572 0.68 Malay 15,430 0.45 Chinese 11,545 0.33 Batak 9,858 0.29 Madurese 5,289 0.15 Minangkabau 5,152 0.15

East Nusa Tenggara 4,238 0.12

Dayak 3,790 0.11

South Sumatera 3,629 0.11

Others 36,986 1.07

Total 3,450,844 100.00

Source: BPS, 2011: 34

In 2010, 90.27% of the population was Muslim. Muslims have always made up the majority of the city’s population; the majority are nominal Muslims (abangan), but the number of pious Muslims (santri) has increased dramatically in recent decades. At the end of the 19th century, Christianity was introduced, first Protestantism and later Catholicism. Besides spreading their faith and building churches, Catholic and Protestant missionaries also built hospitals and schools. Over the years, the number of Catholics surpassed the number of Protestants. Buddhist and Hindus are also present in the area, but their numbers are small.

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Table 1.9 The religious composition of greater Yogyakarta, 2010

Religion N % Islam 2,078,032 90.27 Protestantism 75,706 3.29 Catholicism 141,346 6.14 Hinduism 3,219 0.14 Buddhism 3,485 0.15 Confucianism 35 0.00 Others 108 0.01 Total 2,301,931 100.00 Source: BPS DIY, 2011:181

During colonial times, most native migrants came from the Javanese countryside. After Yogyakarta had become the capital of the Indonesian Republic (1946-1949), more migrants from elsewhere in the archipelago came to the city. Between 2001 and 2010, about 278,233 people migrated to greater Yogyakarta (Handiyatmo, 2010: 13). The highest number of migrants is registered in the regency of Sleman (48.15%) followed by the regency of Bantul (22.58 %) and the municipality of Yogyakarta (20.74%). The higher migration to Sleman and Bantul is the result of the housing development policy of Yogyakarta, which has stimulated settlement in these regencies instead of in the city since the 1990s. Although most migrants live in Bantul and Sleman, a great number of them commute daily to the city to work.

Political situation

In Yogyakarta, the dominant political orientation is secular and nationalist, as the parliamentary election results for the special region of Yogyakarta since 1955 make clear. In the recent election of 2009, 29 political parties competed for seats: 21 secular and nationalist, 6 Muslim and 2 Christian. The secular and nationalist parties, including the Indonesian Democratic Party Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, PDI-P), the Functional Groups Party (Partai Golongan Karya, Golkar), the Democratic Party (Partai Demokrat), the People’s Conscience Party (Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat, Hanura), and the Great Indonesian Movement Party (Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya, Gerindra) received 61% of the votes. The Islamic parties, the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS), the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional, PAN), the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB), the

Crescent Star Party (Partai Bulan Bintang), the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, PPP), the National Sun Party (Partai Matahari Bangsa), and the Ulema National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Nasional Ulama, PKNU) won the rest. The two Christian parties, the Prosperous Peace Party (Partai Damai Sejahtera, PDS) and the Love the Nation Democratic Party (Partai Demokrasi Kasih Bangsa, PDKB), did not win any seats in the regional parliament, having obtained 0.8% of the votes, far below the electoral threshold of 15%.

Many Christians voted for secular parties, such as the PDI-P, which won 21% of the vote. The Democratic Party, which in the same year won the elections for the national parliament with 21% votes, became the second biggest party in the special region of Yogyakarta with 14% of the vote. The National Mandate Party (PAN), affiliated to Muslim organization Muhammadiyah, won only 12%, despite having its headquarters and the greatest number of organization members in the city.8 It is clear that the nationalist and secular groups, supported by abangan and Christians, dominate politics in Yogyakarta.

The process of law reform, which has given rise to national political controversies, has also had an influence on the region. For example, Muslim groups on the one hand and secular and nationalist groups on the other became polarized both in and outside parliament during the preparation of an anti-pornography bill (Rencana Undang-Undang Anti Pornografi dan Pornoaksi, RUU APP). The bill was promoted by the Indonesian Council of Ulama (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI) in 1999, and was discussed by the national parliament in 2006. The debates attracted a great deal of attention; it was an emotive issue that effectively divided those for and against the bill. In March, April and May 2006 a series of mass demonstrations by both pro and contra took place in several big cities, including Yogyakarta. The supporters of the bill included, besides MUI, Islamic organizations such as the Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals (Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia, ICMI), the Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI), the Indonesian Mujahedeen Council, (Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia, MMI), HTI (Hisbut Tahrir Indonesia) and the Social Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sosial, PKS ). During their demonstrations, they would shout slogans such as, “Against pornography and porn-actions, save the nation’s morality!”, “Only under shariah can Indonesia be civilized!”, or “Porn culture is the child of secularism!” Opposition to these groups came from artists, activists, academics and traditional leaders who joined groups such as Unity in Diversity Alliance (Aliansi Bineka Tunggal Ika) and Yogyakarta for Diversity Alliance (Yogyakarta untuk Keberagaman). With messages such as “RUU APP is not the solution to moral degradation,” “Indonesia is not America, but also not Arabia: reject pornography, reject RUU APP,” or “Keep creativity alive, respect diversity,” they showed their 8 http://www.kpud-diyprov.go.id/main.php?hal=arsip

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