AND DEVELOPMENT
Vineet Kaul
T
he media is a complex non-state actor whose activities have been made even more complex by massive advancement in technology. From the primitive gong of the village town crier, the eafleteering of anti-colonial movements, the bold headlines of the national dailies, the crystal clear news footages of the cable television networks, to the internet blogs, no one can seriously ignore the impacts of today‘s mass media on politics and governance, especially in developing democracies. What exactly constitute the media, what roles does the media perform, what is the character of the media in a developing democracy and how does it impact on governance, democracy and politics? Are the questions bobbing up and down in all discussions? The history of mass communication media is full of social and political utopias and, in particular, of technological utopias. The questions of access and participation are, in fact, a crucial element of a utopia which is below labelled as democratisation of communication. Today, the democratic utopia of communication is again actualised by the recent development of technology like interactive television and computerised communication networks. Media and democratisation are closely related. The presence of a vibrant media is a sine qua non for democracy to survive, grow and flourish. The way and manner, the media perform their roles are a function of the character of the media and the cultural and historical values of the society- which could either strengthen or endanger democracy. It is therefore vital for leaders and citizens alike to continuously work to strengthen the media in other to enhance good governance, transparency and accountability in our democratic experiment.Media is development – since in modern societies anything that is not communicated does not “exist” and it em bodies the ultimate truth that there can be no democracy and anticipatory development unless the voices of all sectors, including beneficiaries, are reported objectively, accurately, and disseminated on time in all parts of the country. Free and accessible media is a key element in the chain linking policy with the people – the ultimate beneficiaries of development.
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Media can foster open public debate and information exchange which is vital for a democracy to flourish, and a democratic environment, in turn, can lead to the development of better media structures that respond to the concerns of people. However, the path towards democratisation and media development is rocky, and obstacles can include continued interventions by traditional (often governmental) or new (often commercial) power structures. In practice, there are usually powerful forces for and against it. Whatever stages the democratisation of any society may have reached; it is a result of the interplay of conflicts and resolution of such conflicts in society. Democratisation leads to more equity especially in the laws which govern human relations. It also leads to the elimination of conditions which promote, or allow, the exploitation of persons or groups of people by others.
Is change in the media landscape part of a process of democratisation? Variations on this question have been addressed by countless conference speakers, columnists, specialists and non-specialists in recent years. In some answers to it, new media technologies, such as satellite television and the Internet, are seen as promoting democratic practices. In others, an increase in the voicing of dissent via the media is seen as merely reflecting a wider process of democratisation. A yet further response holds that change in the media landscape is either illusory or superficial and that democratisation has not yet begun. In principle, all that is needed to answer the question is to calibrate the relationship between developments in the media on one hand and political moves towards democracy on the other. It is true that peculiarities of media economics -- notably the unusual potential for economies of scale and scope, and the short shelf-life of much media output — create an inbuilt tendency everywhere towards undemocratic levels of concentration in media ownership. It is also true that what passes for democracy in some settings is little more than passive consent to an inegalitarian system with which major media organisations are complicit. Nevertheless, under certain conditions, the media can provide a forum for the expression of public opinion: they can tell governments what choices people want them to make.
of trends in media coverage of politics and the communication methods adopted by politicians. If the media help to stimulate citizens‘ involvement in the political process, democracy is served. By assessing the extent to which changes in media have expanded the space for freedom of expression, promoted public debate, helped mobilise democrats and prompted authoritarian governments to become less authoritarian, it should be possible to gauge the democratising impact of new media institutions.
Media and Democracy
Do mass media, inherently, serve democracy? Does the rapid evolution of ever more advance communications technology foster the dissemination and exchange of information and ideas in a tolerant spirit? The fast and conventional answer to these questions is yes. Today, despite the mass media‘s propensity for sleaze, sensationalism and superficiality, the notion of the media as watchdog, as guardian of the public interest, and as a conduit between governors and the governed remains deeply ingrained. The reality, however, is that the media in new and restored democracy do not always live up to the ideal. They are hobbled by stringent laws, monopolistic ownership, and sometimes, the threat of brute force. State controls are not the only constraints.
Serious reporting is difficult to sustain in competitive media markets that put a premium on the shallow and sensational. Moreover, the media are sometimes used as proxies in the battle between rival political groups, in the process sowing divisiveness rather than consensus, hate speech instead of sober debate, and suspicion rather than social trust. In these cases, the media contribute to public cynicism and democratic decay.
Still, in many fledgling democracies, the media have been able to assert their role in buttressing and deepening democracy. Investigative reporting, which in some cases has led to the ouster of presidents and the fall of corrupt governments, has made the media an effective and credible watchdog and boosted its credibility among the public. Investigative reporting has also helped accustom officials to an inquisitive press and helped build a culture of openness and disclosure that has made democratically elected governments more accountable. Training for journalists, manuals that arm reporters with research tools, and awards for investigative reporting have helped create a corps of independent investigative journalists in several new and restored democracies.
which we govern ourselves has greatly increased. First the printing press, then radio, then television facilitated the communication necessary for democracy to be realised. While there are diverse definitions of what constitutes democracy and what type of media system is best placed to promote democracy, there is general agreement that a media system, where it is free, independent pluralist and inclusive does make a contribution to democratic development. Thanks to technological progress, economic realities and more flexible legal and regulatory systems the world over, the role of media in democracy came to mean not just the traditional mean of communication, but the domain of cyberspace as well. Defining the role of the media in democracy now requires hard thought and new formulations. Old assumptions are no longer enough to explain what is happening in so many different societies, all saying they are democratic, but carrying out their social compact in quite different way. In such a time, there is value in revisiting Media and Democracy by searching for new definitions, examining the special mandate of journalism and public affairs coverage in this new era and considering the special place of new media.
There is a symbiotic relationship between the media and democracy. Many things have been written and said about the role of media for democracies. The best known of these is the Liberal media approach, which argues that the role of the media is to supervise the power of the law making (parliament), law enforcement (government) and judiciary, and thus, is to act as the guardian of public interests. This approach also advocates that the media should be exempt of all regulations and control so that it can fulfil this duty and act independent of the government and political power. This approach also says that the functioning of the media should be shaped by the dynamics of the market. However, with the monopolisation of the national and international media, and the transformation of media corporations into important national/ international capital corporations, the media is no longer a watchdog of the public interest, but its own interests, since it has become a political as well as an economical power/interest center (Curran, 2002). Exactly for this reason, a commercial media organisation can only be expected to support democratisation, as long as this does not impede on its own interests, and chiefly to reproduce status quo. Still, global policymakers rarely recognise independent media as a critical component in fostering democracy and development. Moreover, they continue to question the international development community about whether aid to developing nations has worked. With the revolutionary power of media catching the world‘s attention, it is a good time to examine the evidence on media, technology, and development. Do media matter? The media are supplying the political information that voters base their decisions on. They identify problems in our society and serve as a medium for deliberation. They are also the watchdogs that we rely on for uncovering errors and wrongdoings by those who have power. It is therefore reasonable to require that the media perform to certain standards with respect to these functions, and our democratic society rests on the assumption that they do (Venturelli, 1998; Kellner, 2004; McQuail, 1993; Skogerbø, 1996). The most important democratic functions that we can expect the media to serve are listed in an often-cited article by Gurevitch and Blumler (1990). These functions include surveillance of socio-political developments, identifying the most relevant issues, providing a platform for debate across a diverse range of views, holding officials to account for the way they exercise power, provide incentives for citizens to learn, choose, and become involved in the political process, and resist efforts of forces outside the media to subvert their independence.
serious consequences of their policies. They go after wounded politicians like sharks in a feeding frenzy (Sabato, 1991). All too often, the media make us afraid of the wrong things. Minor dangers are hysterically blown out of proportions, while much more serious dangers in our society go largely unnoticed (Glassner, 1999). The exaggerated fears often lead to unnecessary measures and legislation and "gonzo justice" (Altheide, 1995, 2002; Altheide and Michalowski, 1999).
To be sure the role of media in democracy cannot be taken for granted, whether in the highly developed democracies of the West or in more fragile system. As a form of government that embraces diversity and plurality in the society, guaranteeing equality of the citizens and their involvement in how they are governed, democracy remains the best system which accommodates development. Democracy has its own problems, but society must not relent at improving on them. Here, the famous saying that ―eternal vigilance is the price of liberty‖ becomes highly apposite. Within the context of supporting democratic transitions, the goal of media development generally should be to move the media from one that is directed or even overtly controlled by government or private interests to one that is more open and has a degree of editorial independence that serves the public interest. If the media is to have any meaningful role in democracy, then the ultimate goal of media assistance should be to develop a range of diverse mediums and voices that are credible, and to create and strengthen a sector that promotes such outlets. Credible outlets enable citizens to have access to information that they need to make informed decisions and to participate in society. Critics also complain that the media fail to report wrongdoings in the industry. For example, many media have suppressed information about the health hazards of smoking due to pressure from advertisers (Cirino, 1973). Even more alarming is the claim that certain mass media (especially women's magazines) are promoting worthless alternative health products, thereby effectively conspiring with the industry to defraud consumers of billions of dollars every year (Barrett and Jarvis, 1993; Jarvis, 1992). If all these claims have any merit at all, then we have to drastically revise our view of the way our democracy works. The Concise Encyclopedia of Democracy (Dehsen, 2000) makes only brief mentioning of the possibil-ity of political, commercial or other influences on the mass media. Most other treatises on the theory of democracy make no mentioning at all of any such problems (Key, 1961).
democracy can only be meaningful if anchored on a leadership with the requisite character and competence to deal with the continent‘s teething problems. This in turn can be easily achieved when the people are allowed to have inputs into the emergence and direction of leadership, when the rule of law is firmly established to ensure justice, fairness and equality, and when democratic structures are institutionalised and made to function accordingly. What are the effects of the commercialisation of news on the democratic process? Which way does this influence push the development of our society? The study of these questions is difficult because it must integrate findings from many different scientific disciplines. The purpose of the present article is to scan a number of relevant scientific disciplines for what they might be able to contribute to a study of these problems. In the following sections, the relevant knowledge from each area of research is summarised and commented, and some uncertainties and lacunas of knowledge are pointed out.
Finally, it is attempted to integrate these findings into a coherent model that can throw light on the problems mentioned above. In the construction of this tentative model, I have borrowed heavily from general selection theories, and especially evolutionary economics. This paradigm provides an excellent integrating framework for three reasons: (1) its emphasis on non-equilibrium phenomena as an important factor in socioeconomic change, (2) its population-based focus on selection events as an explanation of emergent phenomena, and (3) its ability to describe the co-evolution of institutions and their social environment (Saviotti, 2003; Murmann, 2003). The strengths and weaknesses of the model are discussed in an appendix, and some of the predictions of the model are tested on statistical data.
the power imbalances that prevent media from playing this empowering role.
These different approaches, with their very different focal points, do not necessarily exclude each other when suggesting building blocks for the media-democracy relationship. Information, representation and participation can all contribute to the workings of democracy. At the same time, care should be taken not to become trapped in the reductive definitions of these three concepts, as different approaches unavoidably suggest different articulations of these key concepts. Especially the meaning of participation has been softened-down (through the imposed synergy with notions as access and interaction). As participation is the second structuring key concept of this book, care is taken not to unnecessarily reduce its significant span and to use non-exclusive definitions of participation.
Democracy and Development
Democracy is a set of societal arrangements, structures, social values and practices that has developed and evolved over centuries, and takes a variety of forms in states across the world. The formal democratic system has a potential of bringing just and equitable rights and possibilities for all citizens to freely express their opinions and to participate in, shape and influence the political direction of their nations, by casting their votes in regular general, regional and local elections. However, extending democracy and its structures and practices to societies in the developing world and to post-colonial states is not a simple process, which decades of international development cooperation has demonstrated.
policy dilemmas that cause uneasiness among politicians and policy makers in the field of international relations. Some of the questions involved already have a history, like those related to what comes first, democracy or development? Is democracy a precondition for economic growth and social development or will democracy only be viable and sustainable when a certain level of development has been attained? Is economic development sustainable without political development and vice versa? Then there is the dilemma of democracy versus stability. Do they go together or do stability, law and order, rule of law, and security really come first? Should societies be made fit for democracy or do they become fit through democracy? Is there a case for the need of a dictatorial-development state in certain stages of economic growth because necessary but unpopular changes will not be produced via elected governments (cf. Korea or Malaysia)? And is democracy sustainable in societies characterised by huge social inequalities or income disparities?
There is the fundamental question, whether democracy promotion from outside is possible; is it legitimate, and can it work? How to avoid its counterproductive effects, which are heavily looming, to the extent that the cure (aid for democracy) might become the poison? On an even more practical note, there is the structure culture debate. There is a broad recognition of the fact that outside assistance on hardware and institutional make-up will not produce sustainable outcomes without effective change in the political culture; but can culture really be changed through outside intervention? If democracy promotion is to be seen as essential, how should it then relate to existing development cooperation practice? Is it just another sector, next to education or drinking water; or does it require a new approach, a new professionalism? Should democracy promotion be mainstreamed in the whole of international cooperation? As any outside intervention produces effects on the parameters for political development, mainstreaming seems desirable or even unavoidable, first in order to avoid negative or even destructive effects, secondly to steer and optimise the positive effects of the whole of development cooperation on democratic-political development. Does this imply a new concept and another institutional set-up for international cooperation?
shows that cases where democracy and development have been dissociated have mostly resulted in failure. Conversely, ‗the interlinking of democratisation and development helps both of them to take root durably‘ (Boutros-Ghali, 2003). For political democracy, in order to consolidate itself, needs to be complemented by economic and social measures that encourage development, similarly any development strategy needs to be ratified and reinforced by democratic participation in order to be implemented. Democracy and development can together contribute to the consolidation of peace. Most of the time democracies settle their domestic disputes by peaceful means. Moreover, in addition to this preventive role, the democratic framework has often proved effective in settling international conflicts peacefully.
development has been attained? Is economic development sustainable without political development and vice versa? Then there is the dilemma of democracy versus stability. Do they go together or do stability, law and order, rule of law, and security really come first? Should societies be made fit for democracy or do they become fit through democracy? Is there a case for the need of a dictatorial-development state in certain stages of economic growth because necessary but unpopular changes will not be produced via elected governments? And is democracy sustainable in societies characterised by huge social inequalities or income disparities?
There is the fundamental question, whether democracy promotion from outside is possible; is it legitimate, and can it work? How to avoid its counterproductive effects, which are heavily looming, to the extent that the cure (aid for democracy) might become the poison? On an even more practical note, there is the structure culture debate. There is a broad recognition of the fact that outside assistance on hardware and institutional make-up will not produce sustainable outcomes without effective change in the political culture; but can culture really be changed through outside intervention? If democracy promotion is to be seen as essential, how should it then relate to existing development cooperation practice? Is it just another sector, next to education or drinking water; or does it require a new approach, a new professionalism? Should democracy promotion be mainstreamed in the whole of international cooperation? As any outside intervention produces effects on the parameters for political development mainstreaming seems desirable or even unavoidable, first in order to avoid negative or even destructive effects, secondly to steer and optimise the positive effects of the whole of development cooperation on democratic-political development. Does this imply a new concept and another institutional set-up for international cooperation? Development is defined as a process of expanding the real freedoms that people enjoy which encompass political freedom, economic facilities, social opportunities, transparency guarantees and protective security (Development as Freedom by A. Sen, 1999). Sen further suggests that development is not just about economic growth but rather as means to expand the aforementioned freedoms.
Development and the Media
Media is development – since in modern societies anything that is not communicated does not ―exist‖ and it embodies the ultimate truth that there can be no democracy and anticipatory development unless the voices of all sectors, including beneficiaries, are reported objectively, accurately, and disseminated on time in all parts of the country. Free and accessible media is a key element in the chain linking policy with the people -- the ultimate beneficiaries of development. Whether building a democracy or growing a sustainable economy, timely and effective media reporting fosters governance, accountability, interaction, participation, the mobilisation human resources and a sense of common purpose and identity. It is from this perspective that we say, that rather than a complement to development, media is development itself. Media is a key driver and plays a major role in increasing awareness and stirring national dialogue and debate on key development priorities. The media has emerged as the driving force responsible for accurately documenting and developing societal trends. A diverse media landscape is of vital importance for developing countries. It allows people to have their say, engage in debate and find out what is going on in their country. Free information conveyed by independent media is an essential condition for democracy and development. The sustainable economic and social development of states not only requires a solid democracy but also an enlightened and free debate on the future in which all opinions can be expressed. The independence of the media is therefore one of the important elements in a global development policy for our societies. In addition to the question of the role of the media in governance, the relationship between the media and development is especially important in countries where the vectors of education, training in citizenship or quite simply entertainment, are rare and often limited to urban elites. The role of the media as cultural, educational, social, political and economic relays must be strengthened, in particular through support for their creation and strengthened viability.
civil society and governmental institutions, act as advocate for social development and public participation in policy formulation, implementation and monitoring, and become an active partner in the development debate. The media plays diverse and overlapping roles in any society: it is, among other things, an arena for debate, a disseminator of information, a vehicle for cultural expression, a public watchdog, and a constituent in the democratic process. Media outlets may also, especially in non-pluralistic media ecology, serve to reinforce the power of vested interests, exacerbate social inequalities or even promote conflict. The key question for those concerned with promoting good governance and human development, then, is how to nurture a media framework and practice which contributes to these overarching goals. This is a particularly acute concern in new or restored democracies, where media systems have been warped or shattered by oppression, corruption or the effects of war and underdevelopment.
The media's contribution to development occurs simultaneously along five closely intermingled influences: plurality and transparency, behavioural, infrastructure and platform, economic, and trade. We start by briefly looking at the issue of the development process and the role of the media in it. Development is a consciously planned and coordinated process for the speedy socio-economic advancement of society with clearly defined objectives and goals. As a process, it proceeds through set stages and targets. This is irrespective of whether a country is following socialist or capitalist paths to development. The role of government in post-colonial societies in the planning and coordination of development is, therefore, vital and decisive (Chimutengwende, 1986). It follows that for speedy and planned development, mass mobilisation of the population becomes essential, and the educational, motivational, agitational, and organisational roles of the mass media are unavoidably crucial (Aldeman, 1967; Apter, 1965; Tinbergen, 1967; Mboya, 1970).
make their voices heard. The corollary of this analysis is the need for state intervention to promote a media environment characterised by pluralism and diversity. This requires provisions for public broadcasting, commercial broadcast and print media, and community-based media. Also vital is investment in human resources, specifically in building the professional capacity of media workers, both journalists and media managers, through academic and vocational training, 'on -the-job' development and the development of professional associations. Infrastructural capacity is also crucial: promoting a diverse media environment requires investment in the means of communication, includ-ing the reception of broadcasts, the provision of electricity supplies and access to telephones and the Internet. Finally, any analysis of the media's contribution to human development must also be situated in the context of the dizzying growth in some regions of new technologies (Internet, SMS, mobile telephony). Assessment tools must consider incorporating these new communications platforms, and embrace the dynamism of the media sector itself.
Although the law prohibits but still the media can be criminally abused and manipulated by an oppressive regime. Those who advocate Western models of communication media for developing countries have not given convincing answers to the question of media relevance to development. Even those developing countries which originally attempted to adopt the Western economic and political theories and strategies of socio-economic development had to abandon many other basic Western principles of evolutionary advancement. This necessity has tremendous implications for the organisation, structure, control, and the role of the media and it equally affects the content and pace of communication training, education and research. Adhering to the Western evolutionary approach with an unplanned economy guided by the principles of private enterprise would produce a different communication media whose purpose would not be to serve the development needs of the country as generally understood in the Third World. For in such Western societies governments do not directly get involved in the media (Schramm, 1964; Lerner, 1963; Golding, 1974).
the media institutions. One is not normally expected to plan a policy for something one does not own or control. But government control and guidance should not mean the suffocation of responsible criticism. Debate should be allowed on all issues through the mass media before major decisions are made. Without that, there is neither socialist nor capitalist democracy. It will simply be crude dictatorship based on populism.
Media Roles and Democratisation
The democratisation process is often uneven and rocky as the power dynamic shifts between governments and their respective constituencies. In practically all cases, however, governments hostile to citizens‘ civil and political rights have both the resources and power to withhold these rights. It is therefore imperative that support be channelled to governments to deepen their awareness of citizen‘s rights and the processes needed to ensure they have access to these rights. Equally important is support to civil society groups so that they can demand their civil and political as well as economic, social and cultural rights from their governments. There is ample evidence of the importance of ―demand side‖ approaches for ensuring the longevity of a human rights culture.
In the cases of young and emerging democracies, it is essential that institutions, processes and mechanisms be installed to support and underscore national efforts to strengthen democracies. Evidence over the last three decades suggests that strides made towards democracy can be reversed, and countries can revert to less democratic practices and cultures. Failure to support efforts to install and/or deepen democracy in countries with little experience of how to nurture such processes is to leave democracy to chance, or in many cases at the mercy of unchecked and rampant abuse by the very governments who might profess respect for its citizens‘ civil and political, as well as their economic, social and cultural rights.
a small but growing academic literature on media and democratisation questions both the direction and existence of this relationship.
In an effort to shift away from the modernity paradigm a number of scholars have looked at the relationship between media and democracy across different models of governance. McConnell and Becker (2002) identify six possible overarching relationships between media and democratic transition. Some argue that unrestricted media can help topple authoritarian regimes and encourage the creation of democratic institutions (Fox, 1998; Jones, 2002; Kumar, 2006; Nye, 2002). Others regard media as a democratic institution. Like elections, a constitution, and a legal system, media reform is implemented as part of the democratic process (Price and Rozumilowicz, 2002). Yet another theory holds that liberal and free media are products of democratisation. That is: media reform may only be effective or useful in the context of an established democracy (McQuail, 1994).
Three other possibilities identified by McConnell and Becker (2002) do not involve positive relationships between media and democratisation. Some have argued that no direct relationship exists between media and democracy. This could be the case either because media encourage both democratic and undemocratic reform, or because media plays an effective role in toppling authoritarian regimes, but not in furthering subsequent democratisation (Bennett, 1998). Despite little academic support, McConnell and Becker (2002) argue that we cannot ignore the possibility of a negative relationship between liberal media and democratic transition. It is possible that either free media hinder democratic development or democratic development undermines free media.
stages are not necessarily mutually exclusive, but they can be thought of as appearing on a continuum in the movement toward democratisation. This is not meant to suggest that the process is linear. Interventions, ruptures and reversals are serious and constant threats to the democratisation process.
In another quantitative attempt at understanding the relationship between democracy and media social change and media roles are interdependent (Jakubowicz, 1995). While media roles are predicated on the existence of favourable social conditions, social change can give rise to media actions to influence society. By the same token, democratisation and media constitute a chicken and egg relationship. On the one hand, the extent to which a society is democratised defines the mode of media control and the roles they perform. On the other hand, the media are neither totally autonomous from, nor totally subservient to, the established power. They can play an instrumental role in effecting democratisation or de-democratisation as the case may be. Media and democratisation are mutually reinforcing, one being constituted by the other.
Democratisation is a political struggle among and within the ruling elites and various socio-political forces. In the developing world, democratisation is also a process by which democracy is transculturated. As a rule, all the parties concerned in democratisation will try to seek the endorsement of the media in order to strengthen their positions at the expense of the opponents. The ways the media frame the issues and render their sympathy will affect the balance of power in a public debate. Essentially, the media represent resources that can be mobilised to demote or promote democracy. The democratic cause will be served if they can help spread democratic ideals, reflect the voices of contending parties, provide the public with quality and relevant information articulate the social choices, and facilitate public deliberation. Failing all these functions, democracy will be undermined. In such a case, the media will be maintaining the status quo by legitimating the power centre, marginalising the contending voices, diluting critical information, precluding genuine options, short-circuiting public debates, and demobilising collective behaviours.
these determinants may interact in defining the roles of media. I would rather concentrate on how they are shaped by the mode of media control that, in turn, is determined by the pattern of power distribution in a given society. It is my contention that the power structure and the location of the media in it are the most important variables that account for various democratic media roles.
Media and Social Change
females, used to be an exception. But now the media has so changed that people‘s perceptions on body fitness and health care have almost become a rule.
Setting these theoretical bodies next to one another enables a different kind of discussion to emerge; a discussion which offers a new lens through which to see social movements when some years back, most patients were in the upper middle class group who visited their family doctor for routine check-up. Now we find people in the lower strata of society also caring for their physical and mental health. A change in mindset, a growing awareness of disease, as well as the economic benefits of the packages (extensively advertised through the media) have been attributed to this change. Tastes and trends are changing every passing moment. Fast life and fast food have overtaken earlier concepts of ‗slow and steady wins the race‘. The obsession to go abroad by hook or by crook in search of the golden pot is again the result of media hype about the glitter and glamour of life beyond national borders. It is not only in matters of individual inclinations and social behaviour that the changes are appearing manifest on the surface, but also in the celebration of fairs and festivals, where the emphasis has been gradually shifting from solemnity to sound, from purpose to pomp.
More ostentation and less observance of rituals has been gaining ground over the years. Since change is the rigorous law of nature, no progressive and forward looking society can afford to ignore this fact, nor can it allow itself to drift on the fast moving current of time and tide. With diligence and discretion a healthy balance between the two extremes has to be maintained.
Conclusion
digital opportunity, as catch-up by the lagging economies is possible and there may even be an advantage for latecomers (Sidorenko & Findlay, 2001).
Lastly, I have argued for a more determinist perspective as the media‘s unique decentred structure makes it extremely difficult to comprehensively instrumentalise the technology. Technological progress can be painful. When humans first learned to make fire, some undoubtedly got burnt. And the Industrial Revolution involved huge economic and social dislocations, though most people (apart from Luddites and some others) would agree that the gains in human welfare were worth the cost. It is axiomatic that technology is good for development. For those, who are less convinced by our determinist perspective, it is important to note that if they accept the arguments that (a) there is a linkage between development and democracy, and (b) there is a linkage between the media and development, then it follows that the process of democracatisation is intrinsic to the media.
UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan has said that the ―new technologies that are changing our world are not a panacea or a magic bullet. But they are without doubt enormously powerful tools for development‖ (Reuters, 2001). Indeed, IT is not a panacea that allows governments to avoid pursuing sound policies, which are necessary to reap the full benefits from IT. Some of these policies would include: stable fiscal and monetary policies; deregulation; free trade – opening up markets to foreign trade and investment; liberalising telecommunications; protecting intellectual property rights; improving education; ensuring an effective legal system; and ensuring efficient financial markets.
Those economies that get left behind should blame themselves, not technology. And, taken as a whole, the developing world has one great competitive advantage that rich countries can never match. They can call on five times as many brains, and the gap is getting wider.
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