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Immunochip Identifies Novel, and Replicates Known, Genetic Risk Loci for Rheumatoid Arthritis in Black South Africans

Immunochip Identifies Novel, and Replicates Known, Genetic Risk Loci for Rheumatoid Arthritis in Black South Africans

The aim of this study was to identify genetic variants associated with rheumatoid arthritis (RA) risk in black South Africans. Black South African RA patients (n = 263) were compared with healthy controls (n = 374). Genotyping was performed using the Im- munochip, and four-digit high-resolution human leukocyte antigen (HLA) typing was performed by DNA sequencing of exon 2. Standard quality control measures were implemented on the data. The strongest associations were in the intergenic region be- tween the HLA-DRB1 and HLA-DQA1 loci. After conditioning on HLA-DRB1 alleles, the effect in the rest of the extended major his- tocompatibility (MHC) diminished. Non-HLA single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in the intergenic regions LOC389203|RBPJ, LOC100131131|IL1R1, KIAA1919|REV3L, LOC643749|TRAF3IP2, and SNPs in the intron and untranslated regions (UTR) of IRF1 and the intronic region of ICOS and KIAA1542 showed association with RA (p < 5 × 10 –5 ). Of the SNPs previously associated with RA in
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Lack of association of glycated haemoglobin with blood pressure and subclinical atherosclerosis in black South Africans: a five-year prospective study

Lack of association of glycated haemoglobin with blood pressure and subclinical atherosclerosis in black South Africans: a five-year prospective study

Objectives: Hypertension and diabetes are common in rapidly urbanising sub-Saharan African communities. However, lack of longitudinal data in these regions prevents adequate analysis of the link between measures of glycaemia and cardiovascular disease. Therefore, we examined the relationships of fasting glucose and glycated haemoglobin (HbA 1c ) with brachial and central blood pressure (BP), and measures of vascular structure and function after five years in black South Africans.

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Autoimmune Clinical Features and Thyroid Antibody Profiles in Black South Africans with Toxic Graves and Primary Hypothyroidsim

Autoimmune Clinical Features and Thyroid Antibody Profiles in Black South Africans with Toxic Graves and Primary Hypothyroidsim

This study shows Graves’ disease to be rare after the age of 60 years with similar age distribution consistent with another literature report [11]. The TR antibody positivity rate of 80.5% in our Graves’ disease patients is similar to the rate of 83% for black South Africans from a previous study [9], and 90.3% reported in an Asian study [12]. The TPO antibody positivity rate of 65% in our Graves’ disease patients is also comparable to the rate of 66.7% in a Sudanese study [13], that showed the same rates in African and Arab subjects, and the rate of 76.8% in a Nigerian study [10]. The prior use of carbimazole has been reported to attenuate serum thyroid antibody levels [14]. Perhaps TR antibody positivity in our Toxic Graves’ patients may have even been higher if all patients were tested for TR antibody before initiating carbimazole. The negative relationship between TR antibodies and duration of disease in Toxic Graves’ as depicted in figure 1 is consistent with the findings of a study [9], that showed declining antibody titres with longer duration of disease. We however, cannot explain why the same relationship was not demonstrated with TPO antibodies (Figure 2).
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Antibodies against six human herpesviruses in relation to seven cancers in black South Africans: A case control study

Antibodies against six human herpesviruses in relation to seven cancers in black South Africans: A case control study

Methods: We conducted a systematic sub-study from within an ongoing case control study of adult black South Africans to investigate the relationship between antibodies to six human herpesviruses and seven cancer groups that may be caused by infectious agents. Subjects had incident cancers of the oral cavity(n = 88), the cervix(n = 53), the prostate(n = 66), Hodgkin lymphoma(n = 83), non-Hodgkin lymphoma(n = 80), multiple myeloma(n = 94) or leukaemia(n = 203). For comparison, patients with other cancers(n = 95) or cardiovascular disease(n = 101) were randomly selected from within the study. Patients were interviewed and their blood was tested for IgG antibodies against HSV-1, HSV-2, VZV, EBV- EBNA, CMV and HHV-6 using enzyme linked immunosorbent assays. Because these viruses are highly prevalent in this population, optical density results from the assays were used as an indirect, quantitative measure of antibody level.
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DNA methylation similarities in genes of black South Africans with systemic lupus erythematosus and systemic sclerosis

DNA methylation similarities in genes of black South Africans with systemic lupus erythematosus and systemic sclerosis

The aim of this study was to determine global DNA methylation and gene-specific methylation of potentially “overlapping” genes involved in either collagen synthesis, the inflammatory response or tumour suppression, in black African SLE and SSc patients using genomic DNA from whole blood. The choice of whole blood over CD4+ T cells as study material in this work was based on the consideration that SLE and SSc display many abnormal- ities across all arms of the immune system, represented in whole blood. In fact, SLE and SSc therapies attempting to target specific components of the immune system have so far not been successful, so much that broad-based im- munosuppression still remains the mainstay in the treat- ment of both conditions [21]. Also, it has been confirmed that defects in epigenetic regulation of both CD4+ T cells [22,23] and B-cells [24-26] are involved in both SLE and SSc. Moreover, literature indicates that the total number of B and T lymphocytes is significantly reduced in SLE and SSc [27,28], a situation that is aggravated by the im- munosuppression therapy. It has therefore become clear that the global methylation landscape in these two diseases
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ON THE CHOICE ADDRESS FORMS: INTIMATE ADDRESS FORMS AS IN-GROUP IDENTITY MARKERS OF BLACK SOUTH AFRICANS IN ‘Invictus’ MOVIE

ON THE CHOICE ADDRESS FORMS: INTIMATE ADDRESS FORMS AS IN-GROUP IDENTITY MARKERS OF BLACK SOUTH AFRICANS IN ‘Invictus’ MOVIE

Abstract: Invictus is a movie which is adapted from a true story of how the South African President, Nelson Mandela, tried to unite South Africa by supporting the national rugby team, Springbok, which used to be the sym- bol of Apartheid. His relation with other characters in this movie is reflect- ed from the address forms and the choice is influenced by many aspects like social distance among the participants, age difference, formality scale etc. This paper focuses on the choice of address forms used among the par- ticipants. Besides the variety and progressive use of address forms, the finding also shows that the choice of address forms used by ‘black’ and ‘white’ South Africans are quite different, especially those addressed to Mandela. I observed that some in-group identity markers among the blacks are realized by intimate address forms like Mandela’s nickname Madiba, or companion address Comrade. In the past, these address forms are known as the devices to struggle against the Apartheid system.
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Antiphospholipid antibodies in black south africans with hiv and acute coronary syndromes: prevalence and clinical correlates

Antiphospholipid antibodies in black south africans with hiv and acute coronary syndromes: prevalence and clinical correlates

atherosclerotic disease and the condition needs to be considered in patients with normal appearing infarct related arteries [4]. We have shown that treatment-naïve HIV positive black South African patients presenting with acute coronary syndromes (ACS) are younger with fewer traditional risk factors compared to HIV negative patients and have less atherosclerotic burden but higher thrombotic burden on angiography [6]. In a subsequent study we showed that this group of HIV patients have evidence of thrombophilia as evidenced by lower protein C and higher factor VIII levels [7]. In addition, prelimin- ary results showed a higher prevalence of aPL the signif- icance of which is uncertain.
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Kyende_Kinoti_Honors_Thesis_Master_Draft_V.2.docx

Kyende_Kinoti_Honors_Thesis_Master_Draft_V.2.docx

In this quote, Biko asserts that African culture in South Africa was largely viewed as having stopped evolving after the Dutch East India Company landed in 1652. The arrival of Europeans, and their subsequent domination over telling the African story, led to the disfiguration of African history, such that, African culture was likened to barbarianism and stagnation. Within this narrative, African culture could only evolve to the extent that Europeans permitted it. As a result, ideologies that declared a “return” to the past were inadvertently accepting the idea that African culture had stopped evolving and had no present manifestation. In contrast, Biko’s quote asserts that there is a modern black person, and their origin can be historically traced to show an ever- evolving culture. This idea of a modern black person that is separate from a modern European can be better understood from the perspective of multiple modernities. The BCM was affirming that modernity is not limited to Europe. Their assertion on modernity sets the foundation for ontological resistance because they are displacing the idea of modernity, which is often reserved for white people by European modernity, and using it to describe black South Africans.
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Kyende_Kinoti_Honors_Thesis_Master_Draft_V.2.pdf

Kyende_Kinoti_Honors_Thesis_Master_Draft_V.2.pdf

In this thesis I aim to answer the question, how can we better understand the BCM given that it was pursuing the psychological emancipation of black South Africans as opposed to pursuing a political takeover of apartheid South Africa? My argument is that the BCM can be better understood as a group that was rediscovering black ontology and creating ontological resistance to the apartheid state. To make this argument, I will first use this chapter to historicize, contextualize, and situate how the BCM reached the point of generating ontological resistance. I will look at the antecedents that laid the groundwork for the movement to pursue matters of ontology, which will be explained in the following chapter. In this chapter, I use documents such as testimonies, speeches, academic papers, journal articles and manifestos from the BCM to situate my argument that the movement: rejected the pursuit of any particular telos; challenged modernity as being synonymous with European civilization; focused their work on localities and communities as opposed to universalities and individuals. The chapter will unfold as follows: I will first look at how the BCM came to recognize the prevalence of European modernity in South Africa, then I will look at how the BCM began to articulate and distinguish black values against the background of European hegemony. These two steps laid important foundations for what I argue was, in essence, an ontological mission of Black Consciousness ideology.
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Ca3 Fingerprinting of Candida albicans Isolates from Human Immunodeficiency Virus Positive and Healthy Individuals Reveals a New Clade in South Africa

Ca3 Fingerprinting of Candida albicans Isolates from Human Immunodeficiency Virus Positive and Healthy Individuals Reveals a New Clade in South Africa

with and without symptoms of oropharyngeal infection. How- ever, if we assume that the success of this opportunistic patho- gen is based on its capacity both to live as a commensal and to cause infection, we can broaden our definition of virulence to include commensalism plus infection (i.e., all colonization). In that case, we can conclude that in South Africa, group SA isolates are predominant both in commensalism and in infec- tion and, by that criterion, the most successful. If this is the case, and given that one-half of the commensals in black South Africans and one-third of the commensals in white South Af- ricans are group SA isolates, one wonders why SA isolates have not achieved the same success worldwide.
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The ANC in exile

The ANC in exile

THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS, founded in 1912 as the voice of black South Africans, was banned by law on 30 March 1960, nine· days after the infamous Sharpeville massacre an[r]

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Love in the Time of AIDS

Love in the Time of AIDS

In urban areas, new notions of respectability emerged, focused on the image of the nuclear family with a working father, the provider, at its “head.” This model was enshrined in state policy during the heyday of the township era—from the early 1930s, when the first public housing projects were commenced, to the late 1960s, when they ceased and only such fami- lies could gain access to houses. (This requirement also spawned countless “shilling marriages” by people who paid the fee for a marriage license in order to qualify for housing.) It was buttressed by Christian teaching about marriage. This model of respectability foundered on the rocks of unem- ployment, which has been growing steadily since the 1960s when the econ- omy of South Africa changed from one marked by labor shortages to one of labor surplus. Marriage rates in African communities in South Africa have been steadily declining. As Hunter reports, marriage rates among black South Africans have declined from 57 percent of people over the age of fifteen in 1960 to a mere 30 percent today (93). 1 The increasing rarity of marriage in recent years is central to a pervasive sense of disappointment in urban communities, particularly among women.
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Work-related concerns of South Africans living with HIV and AIDS

Work-related concerns of South Africans living with HIV and AIDS

A sample of convenience was drawn from the population of HIV positive black South Africans living in Gauteng. Twenty-two black South Africans who had been diagnosed with HIV were interviewed. Participants resided in Alexandra and Soweto in Gauteng. Participants attending the HIV/AIDS weekly support group meetings at the Mandela-Sisulu Clinic in Soweto were briefed about the research and invited to participate. Interested individuals volunteered. Participants were at various stages of disease progression. One had developed full-blown AIDS. Participants ranged in age from 20 to 42 and fell within the economically active sector of the population. Of the 22 participants, five were male and 17 female. Of the 17 females, 11 were single mothers with children and extended family. Twenty of the participants contracted HIV through sexual contact, one through blood transfusion and another through blood contamination. Seventeen participants had been diagnosed with HIV from one month to four years prior to the study. The remaining five had been diagnosed five, nine, two at 11 and one at 23 years prior to the study. With regard to education, 11 had matriculated, four of whom had studied beyond matriculation level. The other 11 had achieved between grade eight and grade eleven education levels. With regard to employment, 14 were currently unemployed, some having been previously employed. Four were self- employed, one was in part-time employment and three were doing voluntary work. Participants’ occupations included printer, caterer, salon and tavern owner, sales assistant, labourer, electrician, tour guide, jeweler and HIV counselor.
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How diverse is the diet of adult South Africans?

How diverse is the diet of adult South Africans?

overall and certainly not in line with the food-based dietary guideline promoted by the Department of Health (DOH) in South Africa which states “eat a variety of foods”[13]. Dietary variety was particularly low in the low LSM group and in black South Africans. Nearly 40% of South Africans only had between one and three different food groups on the day prior to the survey; these being a cereal, meat or chicken and a vegetable other than a vitamin A rich one. The most neglected food groups were vitamin A rich fruit and vegetables; and legumes and nuts, despite the DOH dietary guide- lines which state: “ Eat plenty of fruit and vegetables ” and “ Eat plenty of dry beans, lentils and soya regu- larly ” [13]. It is possible that these health promotion messages may not be reaching, or be understood, by those who need them. Poor people often do not have access to a variety of food- and unless access is being addressed, knowledge on the food-based dietary guide- lines will probably have little effect. Furthermore, it also needs to be realized that including more variety in the diet will in all likelihood increase the cost.
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Intimations of the End of Apartheid in South Africa: A Critical Look at Athol Fugard’s My Children! My Africa!

Intimations of the End of Apartheid in South Africa: A Critical Look at Athol Fugard’s My Children! My Africa!

In some ways, apartheid was an extension of the segregationist’s laws implemented by previous white minority governments. Examples include the 1913 Land Act and the various work place “colour bar”. However, by the end of the Second World War (1939 – 1945), the enforcement of these laws had been lessened by the United Party government led by Jan Smuts. This culminated to the 1948 report of ‘Fagan commission’, which was set up by the government to investigate changes to the system. The report recommended that segregation in the cities should be ended, thus also ending the migrant labour system whereby the permanent home of Black South Africans was in distant rural “reserve”. Prime Minister Smuts in favour of the findings of the commission, said: “the idea that natives must all be removed and confined to their Krials is in my opinion the greatest nonsense I have ever heard” (Welsh 1998:438).
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Reading and Resisting Representations of Black Africans in Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness

Reading and Resisting Representations of Black Africans in Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness

In this passage, Said identifies Conrad’s Eurocentrism and, thus, his ability and his susceptibility to perpetuating colonialist discourse. Said notes further that “As a creature of his time, Conrad could not grant the natives their freedom, despite his severe critique of the imperialism that enslaved them” (30). Thus, Conrad’s liberal anti-imperialism does not neutralize his Eurocentrism, nor does it void the imperialist/colonialist elements found within Heart of Darkness. Indeed, as Achebe notes, the kind of liberalism Conrad and his primary narrator, Marlow, espouse “almost always managed to sidestep the ultimate question of equality between white people and black people” (342-43). The sidestepping of this question in the world of the novella and, potentially, in the minds of its readers is a continuation of rhetorical and literal violence. Furthermore, Achebe notes that Conrad’s representation of Africa “as setting and backdrop . . . eliminates the African as human factor. Africa as a metaphysical battlefield devoid of all recognizable humanity” (343-44). Despite its anti-imperialist strengths, then, Heart of Darkness has the potential to continue to dehumanize and depersonalize “a section of mankind [that] has suffered untold agonies and atrocities in the past and continues to do so in many ways and in many places today” (Achebe 346). With these things in mind, the representations of black Africans in Heart of Darkness must be read with methodological resistance.
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II. THE BACKGROUND OF SOUTH AFRICAN COOPERATIVES

II. THE BACKGROUND OF SOUTH AFRICAN COOPERATIVES

Among the many challenges that South Africans cooperatives are facing, the major one is a lack of knowledge, most members who formed the cooperative enterprises do not know what a cooperative enterprise is. So how do members gain the values and principles of cooperative enterprises? [2] Values and principles of cooperative empower the members as they have control over invested resources and are in a position to make good decisions. The cooperative dispute the support that it gets from the government, [1] most of the existing and emerging cooperatives remain vulnerable and weak. Cooperatives are facing a numerous challenges that hold back their growth and development. Most members need to know basic principles, values and definition of cooperative enterprises. Figure1 discusses the values, definition and principles of cooperative in South Africa.
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XENOPHOBIAISM IN SOUTH AFRICA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

XENOPHOBIAISM IN SOUTH AFRICA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA

From the foregoing, the social exclusion theory is apt for the study because it not only graphically captures the essence and focus of the study but exposes the complexity and dynamics of systemic deprivation, alienation, frustration, violence and blame game syndrome between South Africa citizens and their government on one hand and between same citizens against foreign nationals domiciled in South Africa on the other hand. Thus, Musuva (2008) for instance avers that xenophobia lakes forms such as discriminatory altitudes towards foreigners and takes place within the context of crime, poverty, inequality and unemployment. Scrambling for limited economic resources has therefore contributed to the wide-spread xenophobic attacks. The hatred and anger against foreign nationals by locals are captured in such expressions as "they are taking our businesses", "they are taking our jobs"; "they are taking our women", "their businesses are successful because they are involved in drugs" (Tshishonga, 2015). Social exclusion and marginalization of migrants arc also orchestrated by locals as well as government by denying the existence of xenophobia. This is further manifested through the adoption of immigration policies and other restrictive policies regulating the movement of foreign nationals.
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MIGRANTS’ EXPERIENCE OF RACISM AND DISCRIMINATION IN IRELAND  Results of a survey conducted by The Economic and Social Research Institute for The European Union Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia

MIGRANTS’ EXPERIENCE OF RACISM AND DISCRIMINATION IN IRELAND Results of a survey conducted by The Economic and Social Research Institute for The European Union Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia

As discussed in detail in the previous chapter, the Work Permits Section of the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment is responsible for administering the Work Permits Programme in Ireland. As such, it has responsibility for issuing and monitoring work permits issued to non-EU nationals entering the State. The Work Permits Section of the Department provided indirect access to its administrative lists on an anonymised basis for sampling purposes. This involved providing the research team with an anonymised dataset (stripped of all personal or other details which could be used to individually identify an individual). The anonymised file contained, inter alia, details on country of origin; gender; age; number of work permits issued. Using this information we were able to select a random sample of recent migrants, pre-stratifying by gender; age cohort; nationality and length of time in Ireland. This latter variable was proxied by number of work permits issued to an individual (1; 2; 3 or 4 or more). After selecting only current work permit holders who had come to Ireland relatively recently from South/Central Africa, North Africa, Asia and non-EU East European countries, there remained a total of just over 13,500 cases on the file provided by the Works Permits Section. The information on this file was used to select the target sample and also to reweight the effective or completed sample prior to analysis (see Section 3.4 below).
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Critically examining language bias in the South African adaptation of the WAIS-III

Critically examining language bias in the South African adaptation of the WAIS-III

determine whether use of the measure constitutes a psychological act, whether application of the measure and/or its results could have harmful consequences, how appropriate the measure is for the multicultural, multilingual South African context, and whether the psychometric properties of the measure have been comprehensively evaluated. As the WAIS-III is on the list of tests classified as being a psychological test by the Psychometrics Committee, it must be assumed that the measure was evaluated for classification purposes. Nonetheless, this process failed to identif y critical issues regarding the appropriateness of the WAIS-III for diverse language groups, the lack of sufficient information regarding the equivalence of the measure across various groups, the appropriateness of the norm groups, and the availability of an unsubstantiated Afrikaans version of the verbal subtests with no norms for Afrikaans speakers. One explanation for why this happened might be that the classification and review criteria need to be expanded and are not explicit and detailed enough. It is encouraging to note that the test classification methodology and criteria used are currently being contemplated by the Psychometrics Committee with the view to possible refinement. Psychologists depend on this committee to ensure that the psychological tests that they use comply with quality and psychometric standards. It is thus further imperative that the Psychometrics Committee subjects its refined test classification and review process and criteria to international benchmarking.
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