For this strand, success was measured through numbers attending, retention of the young people, and increased creative involvement in the programme, as well as the movement of young people from one part of the programme, for instance rock music summer schools, to becoming part of the weekly creative workshop group. This onsite work was successful and continued for years after I had left the project. The final programme strand was outreach, sending at first trainees and later, as they graduated, professionalised community musicians to work in schools and community settings in the North-Eastern part of the province. This included much work within divided communities within Belfast. In the outreach work we never insisted that both communities be always represented, partly because of research we had done at the start of the project which told us that at that time many young people wanted the opportunity to make their own music but were ambivalent or in some cases hostile to working with young people from the other side. Instead we balanced projects within both communities over time and where possible (i.e. if the project was local enough) encouraged the young people to become part of the non- segregated ongoing work at Clotworthy House. While we wanted to build dialogue over time, we were sensitive not to force local people to integrate if they did not want to, nor to discuss sensitive issues such as the conflict. We felt we could engage them with music and allow them to deepen their involvement with music and partake of its many potential and transformative benefits (Hallam, 2015), while offering opportunities to go further through becoming part of integrated summer schools and so forth, whenever they felt ready for that step. A big part of the shared ownership aspect of communitymusic was not forcing integration from above and this formed a conscious part of our self-derived theories of peacebuilding. As a project continually informed by the grass roots knowledge of the local music collective, we were wary of an over-professionalised approach to peacebuilding and worked to avoid the type of unintentional destruction described here by a Belfast youth activist talking about the negative aspects of ‘expert-led’ peacebuilding:
leadership. More than a form of leadership, this also informs a stance-ideology that values sensitivity to the needs of the participants, goal-orientedness, clarity, caring, joy and playfulness. These are in my own observations and experiences clearly encouraged through explicit explanation of aspects of leadership-performance as well as by setting the example. One foreign lady I interviewed (who was only involved with Palestine CommunityMusic as a facilitator of workshops) especially noted a change in attitude of teachers towards a group of children in the workshops and classes she witnessed. Where she noted an authoritative air with most teachers who did not participate with Palestine CommunityMusic, she noted how the Project Manager and the trainees acted with more joy and kindness in the way they expressed themselves and interacted with the children. “[The project manager] does everything – it’s not just about the music but the way she does it – she does it with a smiling face, she does it with joy. [...] The teachers are often like this [takes a stern pose], very authoritative. But [the project manager] smiles, and she makes jokes, and it is a very nice energy” (int-O-1,mwb, 2:37-3:10). Trainees told me that the non-violent style of communication they were taught made them more aware of their body-language, the kind of impression this could make (for example, that for children that had experienced domestic violence, a commonly used raised-hand- gesture could give the impression of hitting), and how one could use the body to control the group while creating a safe and comfortable atmosphere. One interviewee explained that in his work as a social-work student, the training by Musicians without Borders was most beneficial to him as a means for “ice-breaking”: to create the circumstances in which the people he worked with could warm up to him, to make them feel at ease with him.
misguided, pressure to be everything to everyone (with extraordinary caveats attached for some) we are not losing but denying our individual circumstances and contexts, the elements that make our engagement with society meaningful and that inform how we understand the world. The danger is that this influence is insidiously received and is often interpreted by people as an internal restraint rather than an external constraint. As a consequence there is little potential and encouragement for the emergence of a creative person, that is someone who understands the purpose and nature of creative activity and engages in it as ethical behaviour. As a country we are the poorer for this lack of natural capacity and intelligence. This tension will be explored in the context of the work of CommunityMusic East (CME) - a community education provider whose mission is "to promote opportunity through the process of music making" - and the wider background of debate about apparently practical ways of doing good to people, particularly young people. My perspective is underpinned by the belief that supported inquiry is a more useful mechanism for social, cultural, political and economic engagement than received learning.’
There was a confident early statement of practice by the International Society of Music Education’s (ISME) newly-established CommunityMusic Activity commission in 1990: ‘Communitymusic is characterised by the following principles: decentralisation, accessibility, equal opportunity, and active participation in music-making. These principles are social and political ones, and there can be no doubt that communitymusic activity is more than a purely musical one’ (Olseng 1990). Yet we were surprised to identify the following question: how far is there yet a solid body of academic writing that tells, problematises and theorises the development and practice of communitymusic? (This may be changing—some academic monographs are now appearing (Higgins 2012), and with the International Journal of CommunityMusic (established 2008) there is one dedicated academic journal.) It was notable in comparing the situation with that of communitymusic therapy, which has both a narrower remit and a shorter history, but has recently produced a fairly confident body of academically informed writing (see 1.7).
After some breathing exercises and bodywork, Carl and Penny divided the large group into smaller groups, using a variety of rifts to create a whole sound of harmony and syncopation. After establishing each rift, people were encouraged to walk around the space in random paths, greeting each other with their eyes and listening to the various rifts as they past. Having establishing this element of connection, Carl and Penny taught the various parts for a warm-up song – bass, tenor, alto, soprano and the “crazy” section. The words of the song created an ideal of existence: empathy, harmony, glory, grace, peace and love. The atmosphere envisaged by Carl and Penny emerged – strong singing that reflected a contemporary a cappella soundscape, one that included dissonance as well as harmonic blending. The joy in the singers’ faces revealed the ideal emotion of communitymusic making and confirmed the vision of The Boite: a world of song and sound, sonic and physical associations that heal. One soul, a woman not unlike so many in the room – middle aged, colourfully dressed – was moved to tears and I was once again reminded of the power of this practice, one that can resonate deeply within and is the source of much of the discourse that circulates. This introductory workshop established the tone expected of the whole festival. Later, there would be some critique in the survey The Boite sent to all participants, but, in the meantime, everyone engaged with the present; joyful in the lived experience of singing with others, learning new material, and sharing their passion over meals and in concerts.
The remote township of Cairns in Far North Queensland from 1920 to 1950 was musically active with numerous music groups operating regularly in the Anglo- Celtic community. These communitymusic groups had strong, established traditions of rehearsal, recruitment and performance that had managed to withstand and also possibly benefit from, the increasingly musically invasive innovations in, and availability of, entertainment media technology such as radio and gramophones. These associated, registered organisations with constitutions, executive officers, rules, bank accounts etc. have provided and continue to provide organised, often sequentially graded music learning and performance opportunities for community members. It needs to be acknowledged that these musical groups were not the beginnings of a musical community in Cairns. Groups had been operating in Cairns since before the turn of the century and many performances were presented by church groups as well as some individual producers (Dawson, 1998). Communitymusic groups were a feature of early Australian townships as Whiteoak (2003, p. 287) notes:
This innovative course is aimed at anyone who is musically skilled, from school leavers to professional musicians, who want to put their talents to work with people in a broad range of settings. The range of professional career paths for communitymusic graduates includes youth work,
me happy.’ This motivation appears to continue into high school, with seventh graders involved in a continuing outreach pilot program. Fourth, unlike many other pro-social training programs, HiH does not make use of the concept of ‘modeling,’ which implies a behavior adopted simply for the purpose of demonstration. Again, we find the importance of intent central to the HiH philosophy. The teachers and other adults present engage in the same activity and with the same intent as the children. It is a real situation, with children and teachers making music together for the benefit of others. Teachers are seen only as facilitators of the program, and often do not act in any sort of leadership role. Fifth, as far as peer influence is involved, it seems to manifest itself in a positive way with children encouraging others to participate simply through their actions, rather than verbal encouragement. Concerning boys’ pro-social behavior, contrary to research findings, there is as much involvement and commitment to altruistic music making by the boys as by the girls, despite the voluntary nature of the program.
participation because their musics are not seen as valuable by the dominant culture (Green, 2012; Small, 1998). Noting the social privilege required to secure the training and musician identity necessary to become a music therapist or music educator (Gonzalez, 2010; Zubrzycki, 2015) it is no wonder that professionals within these disciplines are disproportionately White (AMTA, 2011; Bradley, 2007; Elpus, 2015; Hess, 2017, 2018). In turn, this contributes to a colonial agenda within schools of music, where particular musics are reproduced—thereby validating particular students—and many others are omitted (Bradley, 2007). Race scholars recognize that race is a social construction, performed, not unlike Butler’s notion of gender (Koza, 2008). Whiteness, then, as a “dominant ideology”, is “reinscribe[d]… through superficial engagement with diversity and through failing to engage discourses of race and power” (Hess, 2017, “Interrupting What?”, para. 5). I acknowledge this ideology’s troubling impact upon music education, music therapy, and our clients and students, and recognize that our disciplines must continue to engage critically and reflexively with these themes. Participants in my research were largely Caucasian,
If we assume from the research and anecdotal evidence that engagement with music has inherent properties to enhance well being, then it is only right that the well-being of those offering leadership in the field should be of concern. The issue of facilitator well being in communitymusic can at times be troubling. I have frequently seen communitymusic leaders socializing with congratulators and well-wishers after a performance, when they really seemed to need their own space for recovery. The need to fulfill the extra-musical aspects of the occupation, such as networking, might often override an obvious need for rest in various situations such as this. I do remember as Music Coordinator at Footscray Community Arts Centre and Musical Director of its Multicultural Choir, often feeling rather fraudulent in that I would promote singing and communitymusic participation as a great source of well being, while at the same time, I was running myself into the ground with work and often felt that my own engagement with the activity had a destructive influence on my health. The problem was strongly related to resources, as well as training and organizational structure issues.
Despite the social climate of individualism and freedom of choice which pervades the early twenty-first century, men and women still feel called to enter monastic life, a decision which brings with it not only vows of poverty, chastity and obedience. Monastic life also involves a serious commitment to living in community and, as such community living often presents interrelational problems, the aim of this paper is to use ethnographic data to show the ways in which music acts as a crucial element in communal health and the resolution of social conflict in modern-day monastic communities. A monastic community brings together highly disparate individuals with the sole common aim of a personal theocentric existence: every individual will bring their own attitudes into community, and one of the hardest lessons to be learnt is that of giving up their own will and agenda to pursue this goal, while simultaneously establishing themselves within their own community. Music has always played a major role in monastic life, and chant has long proved an ideal medium for supporting a life of prayer, but recent research in twenty-first-century monasteries and convents has shown that it also has considerable agency in the psychosocial structure of monastic communities. In this paper ethnographic data are used to explore the role of communal singing, and specifically chant, as an integral part of twenty-first-century monastic life, and its impact as a source of both conflict and reparation, division and cohesion. Following a review of the current literature on monasticism and monastic music this paper outlines my own perspective and methodology for the collection and presentation of the ethnographic data; I then present and discuss my findings on the musical implications of joining a religious community, the role played by music in community bonding, and issues of elitism and exclusion which can complicate the ongoing community dynamics, before drawing conclusions on the agency of music in modern monastic life.
Let us revisit the question of “community”—and to make it less complex, my view will be taken from those working in the fields of community arts, music, and media over the decades, that is, from the ways in which workers and participants in these movements, primarily in Britain, have themselves understood and employed, and possibly strategically redefined, the term. This, I think, will be useful—not least as, a couple of pages after his lagomorphic experience, Howley (2005) writes of community media as “efforts to reclaim [italics added] the media” (p. 20), while Everitt (1997) has described communitymusic as a sociocultural project aimed at “the re-creation [italics added] of community” (chap. 4; ). Such “re-”s as these may suggest a Golden Age, or a nostalgia, but they also signal for us the essential requirement to look back, to historicize.
discoveries about potential future career directions, while all confronted their own strengths and weaknesses as learners and group members, in ways that could have an impact on their life and learning choices. Additionally, they gained a sense of how their student identity connects with musical life outside the university, so broadening their sense of how and where communitymusic activity flourishes. These connections from self to group to community can sometimes be lacking in higher education, and while they might not have a place in every module, their stronger presence in university music departments could be beneficial for staff, students and community partners alike.
the individual student in mind. It appears that little, if any, regard is given to students’ perceptions when employing various instructional methods and assigning placement within the program. Priority needs to be given to understanding the needs of the students in order for them to be motivated, to succeed and remain engaged in their instruction. For example, the students’ need to feel connected or a sense of belonging is well documented in the literature as being important to the social development of students (Catalano, Haggerty, Oesterle, Fleming and Hawkins, 2004; Georgii-Heming and Westvall, 2010; Green, 2008) in terms of developing their own identity, trusting in others, exploring their environment and developing their capacity to adapt to changes. If the student need for connection and belonging is ignored, the risk of disengaging students in music programs increases. The literature further suggests that student engagement influences student commitment, attendance and academic performance (Klem and Connell, 2004; Zhao and Kuh, 2004) and therefore understanding how students perceive their experiences may help guide program design in which opportunities for students to flourish and remain engaged are maximized.
In the light of Augustine’s widespread impact, it is tempting to suggest that “Pelagic plans for reform might have affected the whole structure of the Western Empire” (Brown, 1968, p113). This is unlikely, however, as Brown (1968) also notes that Pelagius was not interested in world domination and total control of the church over all of society, as Augustine was. Pelagius was interested in the ‘laity’, the community of baptised Christian citizens, as opposed to those within the formal power structures of the church. After Augustine won the debate, the import and the role of Pelagius’s ‘laity’ had “sunk into the background” (Brown, 1968, p114). Thus Western society as a whole, and therefore the education system, were under the all-pervasive and ever-present influence of Augustinian thinking. The lasting impact of the Pelagian Debate lies less in the failure of Pelagius, and more in the subsequently overwhelming and total dominance of Augustine that has imbued education and musical practice ever since. Another issue relates to the difficulties we face in critically examining, or criticising, music education practice, which can be regarded as a form of orthodoxy in an Augustinian sense. The connection between music educational and theological discourse is evident in literature today, expressed (perhaps unwittingly) in the language of those defending historical
The recent development of brain-imaging techniques offers new possibilities to test the hypothesis that intensive musical training inﬂuences performance in other cognitive domains. Previous studies using magnetic resonance imaging have shown structural differences in brain organization between musicians and nonmusicians, with larger corpus callosum (Schlaug, Jancke, Huang, & Steinmetz, 1995) and planum temporale in musicians (Schlaug, Jancke, Huang, Staiger, & Steinmetz, 1995), especially if musical practice started at an early age. At the functional level, increased representations for musicians have been described for somatosensory and auditory stimuli in both the motor (Elbert, Pantev, Wienbruch, Rockstroh, & Taub, 1995) and auditory cortex (Pantev et al., 1998). Using the event-related brain potentials (ERPs) method, previous studies have demonstrated that the amplitude of late positive components, elicited by pitch contour violations in music, is longer, and their onset latency shorter, for musicians than for nonmusicians (Besson, Faita, & Requin, 1994). Moreover, electrophysiological differences due to the subjects’ expertise have also been found at an earlier level of This research was supported by a grant from the International
decorations and making psytrance music. Their organization is there to create events that are open to everybody, to expand the knowledge of good vibes, relaxed people, spirituality and healthy lifestyle, which are connected to neo-shamanistic forms on how to live life. Therefore, I wanted to research what the features of the psytrance community lifestyle (for young people) are and why those specifically. And secondly if and in what form that translates into a specific critique of temporary society and of the psytrance scenes itself. My thesis, consisting of text and film, will outline this question through three main themes that I found in the organization: the use of ‘experiences’ as a whole, feelings of unity and the comeback of shamanistic forms in a modern way. The film will show the sensorial and visual context that complement the text. The film is structured around the build up to the Mira party in the process of organizing this event, which was the second psytrance event that the Rotori’s organized. Because of the length of the ethnographic film (35 minutes), I chose to focus on main organizers Pieter and Figo, instead on all the members. However, in the thesis itself, I tried to compliment the film and vice versa, through the means of clips, interviews and vignettes of all members. My visual anthropological research will explore what kind of elements exist in psytrance practices for the Rotori’s, and how the organization employs those elements in their events to achieve the state of mind/experience that is part of the psytrance scene.
This finding is especially significant in rural Sierra Leone, where much of the population depends on agriculture for subsistence. Some farmers, including pregnant women, spend months at a time living on their farms – often located outside the community – and cannot fully participate in the CRS health sessions at the clinic. Thus, through song, and her own agency over song, Bambeh can reach women in the wider community and even neighbouring communities who do not attend her health sessions. As Bambeh said, “the song will live in the community”. The advantages of song to convey information are readily apparent: the catchiness of the music itself grabs people in a way that words cannot; music lives on beyond mere words, and it carries on the wind. By fusing ‘Western’ scientific knowledge about health with something which is their own – namely the familiar melodies of the Kuranko women’s cultural heritage – the message has a better chance of infiltrating the world these women inhabit, and becoming a part of their own culture.
The most striking exemplar of this process during our fieldwork was at a concert by Rachid Taha in November 2005. His first concert date, early in November, was cancelled at the last minute, amid rumours of visa problems (Taha is Algerian and resident in France). A group of Spanish fans whom we talked to outside the Vicar Street venue that night were cheerfully unsurprised by his non-appearance – he has a reputation for living out the dissolute lifestyle of rai music – and showed us photographs of concerts of his that they had attended in Spain and France. However, the event was successfully mounted at the end of the same month, and the Vicar Street venue was full. This is a venue in many ways symbolic of Celtic Tiger Ireland. Situated on James’s Street, in the heart of medieval Dublin, close to Guinness’s Brewery and a stone’s throw from the Brazen Head – the ‘oldest pub in Dublin’, and once a fine traditional music venue – it has a sleek-lined bar that radiates affluence and is separate from the auditorium, which consists of a large dance-floor usually set up with small, round tables and seating, surrounded by fixed, low-tiered seating at the outside and an upper circle of seating above this. There is table service during concerts. In class terms, therefore, it is decidedly middle-class in comparison with the SFX venue.