Both discursive and structural types of exclusion and depoliticisation have potential gendered ramifications. Woodward’s (2004) theory of ‘velvet triangles’ describes the necessary coalitions for feminist or gender equality policy to succeed in the EU. She identified three key actors or groups of actors in this process. Elected feminist officials, in particular from the European Parliament, work with ‘femocrats’ based in the Commission and with feminist academics and activists to collectively push forward a gender equality agenda. Subsequent research on the absence or presence of gender equality concerns, for example in migration policy, has supported this theory (Kantola 2010; Haastrup and Kenny 2016). This research points to the need for all three ‘sides’ of the triangle to be present in order to have feminist policy influence. The Velvet Triangle theory is therefore highly useful for examining a policy area where there have been changes in the levels of access for feminist actors. Depoliticisation prevents the mobilisation of velvet triangles in several ways: by excluding the input of the Parliament, by excluding femocrats and their expertise and by portraying gender equality concerns as political, and therefore inappropriate for depoliticised policymaking. Thus, depoliticisation can be understood as a gendered process, as it acts to exclude feminist analysis and to perpetuate gender-blind policymaking.
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The discursive object of interest in the analysis presented is the expressing of breast milk. A number of authors have outlined methods for conducting a FDA (e.g. Parker, 1992; Willig, 2008) which informed our analytic strategy. Initially both the diary and interview data from the 16 participants who spoke about expressing were thematically analysed. This gave rise to the identification of a number of different reasons given for expressing breast milk. Each of these reasons was then explored more fully in order to identify particular features. Firstly, this involved the identification of discursive constructions surrounding expressing breast milk and infant feeding and the links between these and wider discourses. Secondly, the subject positions that these made available and their implications for subjectivity were explored. Finally, the ways in which the
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As Matt Sparke (2000) has argued, there are ‘real-worlders’ and more critical geographers who are committed to revealing the relations of power that underwrite the knowledge production of ‘real-worlders’. The real-worlders are unable to question the premises on which their knowledge is enabled and limited. Critical geography, like feminist geography, is committed to exposing the investments embedded in knowledge production. A feminist geopolitics takes this deconstructive impulse one step further − back into the 'real world' so to speak − so that identities, ways of seeing, and intervention on the ground can also reconstruct alternative futures. Feminist geopolitics allow for “new ways of seeing, theorizing, and practicing the connections between space and politics and between nature and culture” (Murphy Erfani, 1998). 5 Such politics navigate between nations and across space, cross-cutting the dominant framing of territorial sovereignty, interrogating security as a concern not only for states, but also for the people who comprise the citizenry of states. Moreover, I am concerned about the consequences of ‘terror’ for unsuspecting citizens on both ends of this continuum of violence.
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deferral’, commonly justified by policy makers on the grounds of ensuring blood safety, have been controversial and increasingly sub- ject to critical scrutiny. In practice, the public health objective of ensuring a safe blood supply and underlying ‘safety logics’ (Hoeyer, 2010) has meant that any claim to universality in blood donation is contingent. Donor deferrals and exclusions have been instituted by national blood services for a range of scientific, social and institu- tional reasons which deserve analysis. Some potential donors are refused permission to donate for reasons that may vary across state boundaries, regulatory regimes or cultural mores. Yet such exclu- sions are frequently obscured by a discourse of universality of blood donation and under-explored notions of citizenship, as Valentine (2005: 119) points out: ‘The universality of blood is implicitly, and sometimes explicitly, equated with a universal possibility of donating it’, even though exclusions create categories of ‘not quite citizens’. The gendering of bodies has traditionally rendered women as ‘not quite citizens’ or at least different kinds of citizens. While the defer- ral of men who have sex with men (MSM) from becoming donors has foregrounded links between sexual identity and blood donation (Martucci, 2010; Valentine, 2005), the connections with gender have been less well elaborated. Rather, it is commonly assumed, that (het- erosexual) men and women are equally valued as blood donors, espe- cially in western blood economies. We argue here that this is far from the case.
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This study analyzes the Blood Wedding at four levels. First level is biological which focuses on the images of female body. It also focuses how various parts of female body become significant images in a feminist text. For example the neighbour lady in the text says about the face of woman, “Beautiful. Her face glowed like a saint’s.”
provide a full scale analysis of the role of mediation in the international community. Thus, the Report reiterates the division between Chapter VI and VII of the UN Charter that Charlesworth and Chinkin highlight as inimical to positive change for women.184 While the Secretary-General introduces the Report with approval of the recommendation that ‘two of the tools which we must improve are sanctions and mediation’, the Report has a dedicated section on sanctions and on the use of force but no section on mediation.185 The capacity of the Security Council to act under Chapter VII and authorise force is given extensive attention in the Report. This suggests that while threats to international peace and security continued to be broadened, the capacity to respond to those threats has not been braodened. The Report provides recommendations on the capacity of states to act in self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter and the power of the Security to authorise force under Article 42. These recommendations were then re-assessed by states in September 2005 and formalised in international law at the 2005 World Summit and the subsequent General Assembly Resolution.186 As such the use of force to ‘protect’, the use of preventative force and the general enlarged scope of Security Council action (including humanitarian actions, peace enforcement, peacekeeping and peacebuilding) gained re-iteration rather than renewal. For feminist scholarship these developments are important as they entrench authorised force as the preferred means of international arbitration in times of crisis. However, any benefits gained by die use of force are challenged by the chorus of women’s voices highlighted in this chapter, which not only identify a different range of threats to human security, but demonstrate force, whether illegal or authorised, as complicit in domestic and sexual violence against women.
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participant by the researcher. Taylor also echoes the point that critical perspectives by male identified (in-group) members of digital game research are currently lacking, reinforcing the notion that my perspective has value precisely because it is so typical, within this population. More generally, T.L. Taylor’s call for in-depth examination of player-produced cultures directly correlates to the rationale for this work, as the Smash scene is uniquely player-produced when compared to those of mainstream esports that have the luxury of direction and investment from the developers (Taylor, 2009). Past feminist ethnographic fieldwork at public gaming events helps to inform my recruitment process (Taylor, Jenson, de Castell, & Dilouya, 2014). These researchers experienced difficulties in recruiting participants due to the players being there to play, and, in a lot of cases, escape everyday life, and they had to factor that into their recruitment process. I saw these hardships firsthand in my own preliminary fieldwork, and my interview schedule was reshaped and modified accordingly out of respect for not wanting to intrude too much upon participants’ time. Specifically, I removed questions that did not directly target my research questions or provide foundational background information about the person. This has proven successful at reducing interview times to what I see as a more appropriate, less intrusive length.
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Thus, there is a significant similarity between Marxist literary criticism and feminist literary criticism: both are theories about the power of the world outside of the text and the impact that that extra-textual world has on the literary imagination. This helps to explain the continuing attractions of Marxism for a number of feminist literary critics. For example, Lynne Pearce and Sara Mills, whose work I return to shortly, argue for a continued use within feminism of Marxist theory, albeit in modified or reinvented forms, for four main reasons. Marxist theories, "are theoretical frameworks, which, through constant engagement and interrogation, have been developed to... address current issues"; "are the only ones which have so far been developed which consistently and systematically concern themselves with economic relations and with historical and contextual information"; "have been developed to explain and, more importantly, combat oppression and injustice"; and, finally, still hold, "immense explanatory power and resonance" (Pearce and Mills, 1996:186). Moreover, as Jackson observes, Marxism offers, "an analysis of oppression as systematic, built into the structure of society" (Jackson, 1998(a): 13). Consequently, it enables women’s subordination to be conceptualised, "as neither given by nature nor an accidental feature of relations between men and women" but, rather, as originating in the social (ibid.). Moreover, because it is a theory of social change, Marxism suggests the possibility of a more egalitarian society for the future. Showalter suggests that it is such reasons that led to a number of influential English feminist critics, such as Mary Jacobus, Rosalind Coward, Michele Barrett, Juliet Mitchell and Cora Kaplan, combining, "Marxist theoretical interest in the production of ideology of literature with feminist concerns for women's writing" (Showalter, 1992: 77).
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organizations operating under the guise of feminism. The sex industry has vastly influenced the fight for legalization and decriminalization of prostitution by reshaping feminist analysis of this issue. These neoliberal codifiers preach messages of free speech and women’s liberation to liberal feminists and labor organizers in direct efforts to shift the political and social norms towards deregulation and legalization of pornography and prostitution. These lobby groups, promulgating neoliberal messages of individual freedom and autonomous choice, stand to financially benefit from the co-option of these liberal organizations. This section of the paper will provide examples of the sex lobby’s international impact on a pro- prostitution legalization feminist framework.
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independence to the possession (and sexual presentation) of a particular kind of (young, slim, able-bodied, ample-breasted, white) body and, second, how this sexualisation also thereby re-instates men, male desires and male or masculinist perspectives (on women) as pivotal not only to the midriff’s ‘success’ but also to the version of feminine subjectivity on offer in post-feminist advertising. In participants’ readings of these adverts, first, the midriff ‘hasn’t got anything apart form her body really’ so that whilst she may ‘seem like a strong woman … it’s still basically all revolved around men’ and ‘dress[ing] up for your man so you can be the prostitute … and its not about how you feel about yourself. It’s about how your man feels about you.’ And, second, ‘how your man feels about you’ is then packaged ‘to make the person think … she’s doing it for herself … although its not true. (.) She’s doing it for her man.’ Thus, whilst not explicitly feminist, participants’ discussions can be read as, in part, re-articulating a critical feminist analysis of such post-feminist advertising images as a form of neo-liberal regulation of gendered subjectivity whereby a distinctly heteronormative construction of female sexual agency and embodiment is duplicitously presented not as complicity with the prescriptions of a male gaze but as ‘the freely chosen wish of active (confident, assertive) female subjects’ (Gill, 2007a: 90).
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shifts from dependency on governments to more self-reliant means that presents the youths as major participants in their destiny. MYSA in particular reveals how sports, mostly associated with entertainment, has been transformed to a tool that has changed women’s participants’ worldviews as well as the community members’ perception of football as a male domain. MYSA could therefore be considered as a success story within feminist scholarship and in the development arena. However, one limitation with my research is that some key questions still remain unanswered including: how feminist principles such as organizing in more humane and democratic ways emerge as women leaders organize within the team. Secondly, while I have argued that the girls acquire a distinct identity, it would be important to find out what separates these new forms of identity from the dominant identities associated with masculinity.
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fantasy? The white fantasy’s invasion of sisterhood, of women of colour – how might this fantasy manifest, in the ‘feminist’ celebration of Clinton’s occupation of power, which feminist writer-activists contend has been used to advance invasive policies at home and imperialistically abroad (e.g., Featherstone, 2016)? I propose the importance of analysing unconscious processes and white fantasy, taking as inspiration what I have been learning about intersectional feminism and the harmful effects of white feminism, from analyses by US women of colour activist writers (e.g., Muse, 2016; Getz, 2017), exposing whiteness in purportedly ‘feminist’ spaces. The support for Clinton as a feminist achievement for women demonstrates the ongoing damages of whiteness, upheld by fantasies, for the intersectional project of feminism, which recognises the complex oppressions that non-white, non-elite women encounter: from micro-aggressions to structurally embedded violence. In writing this piece for ephemera, I emphasise my positioning as an intersectional, global feminist, and as a US citizen, deeply affected by contrasting feminist discourses and attempts to suppress non-elite voices throughout the US Presidential election process. I have found intersectional approaches conceptually meaningful for building practices to support equality and emotionally supportive sisterhood, actively embracing, reaching out, seeking to learn from the experiences of the marginalised, the ignored, the excluded. Hence, I do not subscribe to, and actively challenge, neoliberal, white ‘feminism’ – its oppression serving only an elite few, and severely undermining the needs of most women, as well as some men (Fernández, 2016).
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Secondly, while keyword frequency gives us some indication as to which words are significant, understanding how and why they are significant requires a more involved “assaying” process (Royster and Kirsch 16). Creating and analyzing key word concordances is one way to do this. Bridging computer science, artificial intelligence, and linguistics, KWIC is a method of natural language processing that identifies concordances, or co-incidences of keywords and related terms within a specified textual corpus. These concordances can be visualized as word trees, in which associated text branches off from a key term. These word trees offer additional insight into a keyword’s context, because each concordance is grouped into like concordances based on the character or word immediately following the key term. Accordingly, I used using Many Eyes, another open-source data mining and visualization tool, to create concordance-based word trees for “interdisciplinarity,” “feminist,” “visual rhetoric,” “critical pedagogy,” and “comic books.” Given the relatively small size of my corpus, this also involves close(r) reading as a method through which I identify categories into which I then place individual references associated with each of the key terms. By training lenses on the far and near, this two-pronged methodological approach also serves the larger purpose of challenging the
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(Boonzaier, 2014), sexual desire (Farvid, 2014), sadness and distress (Lafrance, 2014) work (Rickett, 2014), and bodies (Brown, 2014). Throughout this collection, the authors show how the stories of women offer opportunities to listen for resistance to harmful discourses and narratives, and for collective change at the level of discourse. Resisting a ‘one or the other’ approach, this collection advocates for the study of both the personal and the structural, through the analysis of voice. The importance of voice here is two-fold. First, the voiced experiences of silenced people can offer powerful counternarratives of serious political importance, and should therefore feature centrally in feminist research. Second, analyses of voice allow us to understand how spoken and written accounts of the self are shot through with discourse, and thus central to constructions of identity and agency. Saukko (2010) argues that analyses of voice can build on existing discursive theory around silenced groups in order to understand how lived experiences are actively structured, mediated and negotiated within broad and overarching discursive systems of meaning. From this perspective, voice carries both experience and discourse. As such, voice represents a political site where we are able to capture the interplay between experience and discourse, and analysis of voice allows us to understand the discursive, ideological, and personal functions of discourse. However, no clear analytical framework currently exists for capturing voice along these lines.
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Feminist texts politicising women’s relationships with food seem like an unlikely source of data as they are said to expose rather than reinforce body-policing attitudes, however, their influence on other, more pervasive food discourses brings into stark attention some of the assumptions embedded in their own gendered narratives of food and eating. The feminist literature indicates that both recent cookbooks and diet books are peppered with feminist references that, in many cases, prematurely celebrate women’s emancipation from harmful food femininities. These texts rely on what appears to be a feminist perspective without politicising the reason why women engage in dysfunctional relationships with food in the first place. Indeed, influential feminist theories politicising women’s disordered relationships with food and their bodies have been instrumental in challenging harmful stereotypes and, seemingly, not perpetuating them. Through the mantra ‘the personal is political’, voices from the second-wave, such as Susie Orbach and those influenced by the second-wave and associated with the third-wave, such as Naomi Wolf, situate women’s personal
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There are many explanations for the multiple oppressions of being female and disabled. Society does not expect disabled women to be mothers, wives, keep house, work for inferior pay, etc. – all the things that patriarchy has deemed as “appropriate” roles for able-bodied women. Women with disabilities are not, in these ways actually viewed as women; they are rendered child-like and helpless, seemingly unable to reproduce, have successful long-term relationships, contribute to a household, contribute to society, etc. To this end feminist theory does not address the needs of disabled women because they are socially infantilized. Women with disabilities do not assume that they will be able to be sexually active, that they will be seen or thought of as sexual to a partner of interest, or that they have any sexuality at all. This is far more pervasive than the ways in which able-bodied women sometimes doubt their sexual attractiveness; there are generally held assumptions that people with disabilities cannot and/or do not want to be sexual (Schriempf 2001).
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God’s image is not based on gender norms, ideas of dominion over people and nature, or on the mind /body split. A critical feminist hermeneutics of liberation develops a dialectical mode of biblical exegesis that asserts that all forms of do- minion are sinful. This hermeneutic also gives justice to women’s experiences of the Bible as source of empowerment in our struggle for liberation (Fiorenza, 2002: pp. 63). Schüssler Fiorenza discusses the challenge of feminist biblical exegesis that always claims the right of women to interpret experience tradition, and religion from their own perspective. Equality and freedom cannot be realized if women’s voices are not raised, heard, and considered by all in the struggle for liberation regardless of sex, class, nationality, race or religion. Fiorenza emphasizes the fe- minist struggle for the discipleship of equals (Fiorenza, 2002: pp. 178-179).
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After the selection of the sample, the linguistic elements needed for the linguistic description were also determined. The fact that modality is realized by an endless number of words and multi-word units requires that the corpus of the present study is examined thoroughly. Using a free concordance software programme which is called AntConc, the corpus was uploaded as a text document in order to search for the linguistic elements under study. By means of its main feature 'Keywords', this free concordance software programme provides a list of all the key words that are proved to be frequent in the file or corpus under study. Accordingly, it helps build up a linguistic profile of the most frequent words in the corpus which reveal the key semantic associations. Besides, doing a computer-aided analysis helps focus the attention on the interpretation of the linguistic data. It indicates the frequency and ranking of the linguistic items in the file under study. The frequency of the word helps determine the extent of the usefulness of such word in the file. This list is categorized manually according to the broad semantic categories, based on Halliday's framework of SFG. The manual annotation of the relevant linguistic elements is carried out before the full linguistic analysis of the selected novels. Accordingly, a list of the most frequently used words and significant to the present study is provided. The list includes different parts of speech such as adverbs, auxiliaries verbs, verbs, and adjectives. The remaining frequent linguistic elements which are not significant to the study are ignored and excluded from the study. Besides, thanks to its second feature 'Concordance', it counts the occurrence of the linguistic elements being studied in their own contexts or occurrence lines. It provides the words which appear more frequently in their concordance lines which enable the researcher to draw comparisons. It also helps expose every contextual occurrence of all linguistic elements under study. Therefore, it would be possible to examine how such linguistic elements are used, and how they collocate with other elements. This leads to a deeper understanding of meaning and usage.
Indeed, f igures’ capacities to reveal the varied implications of different configurations of ‘becoming with’ is precisely where their conceptual power lies; as Jamie Lorimer notes, it is now commonplace to debunk essentialist narratives by pointing to the hybrid composition of naturecultures. Such a move, he continues, is important in challenging the authority of essentialist modes of humanist thought and action, and yet: ‘Diagnoses of hybridity swiftly become banal’ (2015: 25). It is important, we suggest, that narratives of entanglement do not fall into a similar trap;; there is a danger, in other words, if anti-essentialist politics begins and ends with the recognition of entanglement, rather than thinking through the ethical obligations that particular entanglements pose and – crucially – how to begin meeting these obligations. Maintaining critical-feminist commitments to care politics and situated- responsibility is, we suggest, vital in order to resist simply describing the way environments are more-than-human or acknowledging the ruins wrought by anthropogenic activities. Keeping these politico-ethical concerns to the fore, in other words, is essential in remaining open to the obligations posed by particular environments when anthropocentric modes of thought and action threaten to fundamentally and irrevocably ‘untie’ particular more -than- human worlds.
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Contextual theologies have made it clear that context, and the particular experiences a context gives, shapes thinking about the Divine and the world into a particular, contextual theology. Feminist theologians stress the point that the life-experience of women in general – and every woman of flesh and blood in particular – works as a context, seeing the world, thinking about the Divine from a particular perspective. The critique of feminist theologies is aimed in the first place to the presumptions and assumptions underlying texts, customs and politics. Feminist theologians ask basic questions about the acquisition of theological knowledge that exposes the cultural conditioning of Christian belief. This review article on the work of Lisa Isherwood and Dorothea McEwan demonstrates how many feminist theologians find in “Process Thought” a way of thinking that avoids the suppositions these presumptions and assumptions make.
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