This paper provides a unified theory to explain the onset of the finan- cial crisis in 1998 and the striking economic recovery in Russia and the formerSovietUnion afterwards. Before the crisis, the banking sector in these economies was stuck in a development trap in which the banking sector is separated from the real sector of the economy. The separation between the two sectors arises due to a lemons lending market and due to a large government budget. In a lemons credit market firms may find it cheaper to raise liquidity through non-bank finance (trade credits from other firms) rather than through bank fi- nance. As a result non-bank finance may generate an externality on the lending rates of banks. In equilibrium most firms in the economy rely on non-bank finance and the financial sector focuses on trading government securities. The collapse of the treasury bills market in Russia in the financial crisis of 1998 reversed this process and thus acted as a trigger to pull the economy out of the trap. This has led to the strong economic recovery and provided initial conditions for banking development. Empirical evidence with firm level data from Ukraine in 1997 and with country level data for transition economies support the model’s predictions.
Our results show that there was not a vast change over time in the health indicators studied. Moreover, there was not a large difference between “private” and “public” countries, indicating that the health system of the country is not a very good measure of the health status of that country. However, the regression model showed that countries with “private” healthcare systems tended to have a significantly higher infant mortality rate and lower total life expectancy. This finding might suggest that countries of the formerSovietUnion that have a “public” health system tend to have better health systems than those that adapted a “private” health system.
After the collapse of the SovietUnion, Russia, Ukraine and other FormerSovietUnion (FSU) countries took a bumpy road in their transition to a market econ- omy. The real sector of these economy experienced a sharp contraction. Output collapsed to around 50 percent of its 1989 level in 1998 (see Table 1). During this period the real sector accumulated a huge amount of outstanding debt and arrears and non-cash payments have become a dominant feature of these economies. Tak- ing Russia as an example, total payables to the enterprise sector exploded from around 20 percent of GDP in 1994 to over 70 percent of GDP in 1998, while total receivables rose from 20 percent of GDP to about 45 percent of GDP over the same period. Associated with these phenomena, non-cash payments and barter started to rise after 1994, when hyper-inflation was under-control, from 8 percent to over 50 percent of sales in 1998 (see Figure 1).
This study begins to fill an important geographical gap in our knowledge by examining the patterns of use of alternative (folk) medicine practitioners in the countries of the formerSovietUnion (fSU). Although the use of non-biomedical therapies has deep roots in this region [17], the Soviet regime institutionalised biomedicine and banned alternative practice in the USSR in 1923 [18]. Nevertheless, despite various forms of persecution (fines, imprisonment) non-biomedical practitioners continued to provide services throughout the Soviet period – principally in rural locations – that were either periodically unavailable (e.g. abortion) or inaccessible [19], while self-treatment with alternative folk remedies was also widespread [20] in an environment where shortages of conventional pharma- ceutical medicines were commonplace [21,22]. Official atti- tudes to non-biomedical forms of treatment softened somewhat in the later Soviet period with the recognition of some forms of CAM as a speciality in 1977 [23] which stimulated a resurgence in alternative treatments in the 1980s [24].
Comparing the numbers of associations related to individual categories, one sees that the greatest number of associations were related to the competency category in a Czech male student, the second most frequent category was competence in a Czech female student. The male respondents ascribed warmth to a Czech male student signifi cantly less than the female respondents did. In judging the outer appearance, the male respondents listed ore associations than the female ones. This may be caused by the Czech university students’ outer appearances, behaviour, and dress codes are diff erent from those of the students from Eastern Europe and countries of the formerSovietUnion. It may also copy the traditional stereotypes in demanding that a woman should always look fresh and neat. The male students described the outer appearance in a way diff erent from that of female students. The Czech female students were described in a rather inconsistent way: although there were such associations as pretty, attractive, sexy, a bit of skirt, sympathetic, one could also encounter opposite attributes such as: fat, ugly, looks like a man, slovenly, dirty hair, etc. No such diff erences were found in male students. Here again, one can observe a certain similarity to gender stereotypes, which attach more importance to the outer appearance of women than that of men and, according to which, men more than women are assigned attributes related to the performance, profession, and expertise. The conclusions of this study are in good correspondence with the stereotype content model of Susan Fiske, which defi nes agency and communion as two basic dimensions of social perception. The research results also bring valuable facts about the ways in which foreigners perceive Czechs, what is important for them, what they appreciate, and what they do not like or think problematic.
performance seems even more straightforward in the transition countries of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the FormerSovietUnion (FSU). In these countries, state-owned enterprises (SOEs) were even more bloated in terms of employment. Their workers received wages in cash, but also in the form of services, such as housing and kindergartens located on site or near to the firm. The firms were not profit-maximising and were often extremely inefficient, more so than many firms in the West. This inefficiency was due to the nature of the Soviet system where the only incentive was the threat of punishment if the planned level of output was not maintained. The incentive to overproduce was small because of the ‘ratchet effect’; the next year’s planned output level was set to the previous year’s attained output. In addition, because of the nature of the shortage economy, it was guaranteed that the output would be sold. However, once the Soviet system was abolished, many markets were opened to foreign competition, many firms were privatised and budget constraints were hardened 2 . Section I reviews the literature on
successor countries of the formerSovietUnion (Sommer 2011). Compared to other migrant groups in Germany, due to their ethnic background, most FSU migrants have a privileged legal status, which is reflected in their access to German citizenship and inclusion into the German welfare system. Also, compared to other migrant groups in Germany, FSU migrants have a relatively low self-employment rate (Leicht et al. 2005). Until now only a few studies describe the self-employment of FSU migrants (Kapphan 1997, Leicht et al. 2005, Sommer 2011). They show that FSU migrants mainly operate on the local market in Germany with no particular spatial or branch-specific concentration. Despite the fact that a large proportion of FSU migrants have dual citizenship, which is favorable for transnational entrepreneurship, only few FSU migrants have companies that use transnational business interactions as their central strategy. Sporadic temporary transnational entrepreneurial activities that are used as a complementary strategy are more common.
envelopment analysis (DEA) — window analysis under variable returns to scale (VRS) — to 15 formerSovietUnion (FSU) economies for the period 1992 – 2008. There is a clear distinction between three FSU economies — Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania (now EU member states) — and the rest of the sample in that they display better environmental performance. In these three countries, economic efficiency directly influences the environmental performance. Results also show that over time FSU economies improve their CO 2 environmental efficiency and comply with the Kyoto Protocol directives. However, this positive gain
Kazakhstan is the largest land-locked country in the world with the second largest area in the Newly Independent States of the formerSovietUnion (FSU), behind the Russian Federation. Kazakhstan’s popu- lation of 14.8 million is divided into 14 administra- tive regions (Oblasts), each functioning with some autonomy. The United States Agency for Interna- tional Development/Global Bureau funded a project in 1996 aimed at reducing childhood mortality as a result of acute respiratory infections and diarrheal diseases. As part of that project, we conducted a study designed to address these goals in Zhambyl (Djambyl/Dzhambul) Oblast. This Oblast has a pop- ulation of approximately 1 000 000, 17 000 of whom are infants; it has 10 districts (Raions), 4 cities, 15 hospitals, 333 health units, 250 pediatricians, and 1200 feldshers (physician assistants).
The rates of acquisition and the times of incident high-risk (HR) human papillomavirus (HPV) infections and Pap smear abnormalities and their predictive factors were analyzed in women participating in a multi- center screening study in three countries of the New Independent States of the formerSovietUnion. The 423 patients were prospectively monitored for a mean of 21.6 months. At the baseline, 118 women were HR HPV DNA negative (Hybrid Capture II assay) and Pap smear negative (group 1), 184 were HPV DNA positive and Pap smear negative (group 2), and 121 were HPV DNA negative and Pap smear positive (group 3). The time to the acquisition of an incident abnormal Pap smear (19.4 months) was significantly longer in group 1 than in group 2 (9.2 months) (P ⴝ 0.0001). The times of acquisition of incident HR HPV infection were 16.6 and 11.0 months in group 1 and group 3, respectively (P ⴝ 0.006). The monthly rates of acquisition of incident HR HPV infections were very similar in group 1 (1.0%) and group 3 (0.8%), whereas the rate of acquisition of an abnormal Pap smear was significantly higher in group 2 (3.1%) than in group 1 (1.5%) (P ⴝ 0.0001). The acquisition of HR HPV infection (but not a positive Pap smear result) was significantly (P ⴝ 0.0001) age dependent. The only significant independent (P ⴝ 0.001) predictor of the incidence of an abnormal Pap smear result was a high HR HPV load of >20 relative light units/control value (CO) (rate ratio, 2.050; 95% confidence interval, 1.343 to 3.129). Independent predictors of incident HR HPV infection were patient category (a sexually transmitted disease) and ever having been pregnant. The time of acquisition of HR HPV infection was 3 months shorter than that of an abnormal Pap smear. At the baseline the high load of a particular HR HPV type is the single most important predictor of an incident Pap smear abnormality, whereas young age and having a sexually transmitted disease predict incident HR HPV infections.
Location: All countries recommend that WSPs are sited downwind of inhabited areas with respect to the prevailing wind in the warm season. The direction of wastewater flow should be perpendicular to this wind direction to reduce short-circuiting and to enhance mixing, although there is debate about the benefits of stratification. Winter wind direction is also an important factor in snow-drifting: a snow layer improves insulation, reduces ice thickness and accelerates the spring warm-up (Environment Canada 1987; Heinke et al., 1991), but cuts down light, reduces disinfection and prevents photosynthetic aeration (VNII-SIS 1987b; Environment Canada, 1996). Buffer zone widths around WSPs vary from 200 to 300 m in the formerSovietUnion depending on the volume treated, and from 30 to 300 m in Canada depending on pond type and property type (SNiP 2.04.03-85, 1996; Environment Canada, 1987 and 1996). In Sweden covered plants are recommended in areas with temperatures of less than -10 o C for more than 30 days (Ulmgren, 1974).
The Afghanistan operation has been a key issue in NATO’s developing relations with Central Asian states and to a lesser extent with the South Caucasian countries in recent years. One may remember that the first visit of a NATO Secretary General in the South Caucasus did not happen before 2004 (NATO entered the Afghan stage in 2003); in addition, it was also only in 2004 that NATO decided to appoint a Special Representative for the Caucasus and Central Asia. NATO has strengthened its political and military ties to these countries; in this perspective, the ties that had been established since 1994 in the PfP framework have certainly helped. Many countries of the formerSovietUnion have provided various forms of assistance that have been more or less important to NATO’s operations in Afghanistan. No central Asian republic has sent troops to Afghanistan, but South Caucasian states have. Over-flight and transit lines have been set up in the framework of the Northern Distribution Network. Several states have contributed to the training of the Afghan security forces. Central Asian republics have opened access to military bases and facilities on their territory to a number of NATO members (United States, Germany, France)
Against the current global trends, in the formerSovietUnion (FSU) countries HIV prevalence is on the rise. Visa-free movement across borders has facilitated migrant-associated HIV transmission within this region. Despite efforts from the governments to curtail the growing epidemic, there is still a serious need for the development of strategies that focus on high-risk behaviors and practices responsible for the continued transmission of HIV in this region. While gov- ernments of FSU countries have taken commendable steps in recent years to address hurdles at each step of the HIV care continuum, to ensure 100% antiretroviral treatment (ART) accessibility to people living with HIV (PLHIV), testing for HIV needs to be enforced widely in FSU countries. Stigma against people who inject drugs (PWID), men who have sex with men (MSM), migrants, and PLHIV need to be addressed. Finally, to avoid breaks in ART supply, FSU coun- tries need to gain independence in funding HIV care so that the provision of ART to PLHIV is made available without interruption.
During the last twenty years, the analyzed countries went through the painful process of post-communist transition, both in economic and political spheres. They started this process in the early 1990s with the same common Soviet institu- tional heritage but different levels of economic and social development. Then the various speeds and, sometimes, directions of economic and political reforms, as well as other country specific factors such as cultural, religious, and geographical backgrounds have made them more and more divergent. Five of them (Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine) can be considered market economies, although with numerous distortions caused by partial and incomplete reforms. Belarus still remains in a relatively early stage of market transition with extensive public ownership and remnants of a command system. Generally speaking, all of the analyzed countries but Georgia have failed to create a friendly business envi- ronment and suffer from high levels of corruption. As a result, the region is char- acterized by a substantial informal economy and shadow labor market.
0 have been recovered mostly as crack-out material from clastic and impure carbonate rocks; acid resistant valves recovered from limestones are a minor component of the known faun[r]
The pure defined contribution systems yield about the same rate of return on contributions for early or later retirement, while those with a base pension (Kyrgyz) or the defined benefit [r]
Cybercrime firms in these economies combine a sophisticated mix of technical and social engineering competencies. For instance, it is reported that, Romanian scammers have hired English speakers to improve communications, which helped them appear legitimate [36]. Problems such as broken English, typos, grammar, misspellings and wrong tenses that made phishing emails less convincing are no longer a problem. Davis and Joan [27] observes: “In Eastern Europe and especially in the formerSoviet republics, organized criminal groups are perfecting phishing with breathtaking speed. Not only have the pitches become more convincing (the spelling and grammatical errors that belied early phishing e-mails are less frequent, for instance), but the technology used to trap your account numbers and passwords has grown viciously sophisticated”. Rock Phish, which was believed to be a Russian group, was estimated to be responsible for over half of all phishing sites worldwide sent convincing messages in perfect English as well as French, German and Dutch [39]. It used counterfeit designs of brand logos and styles of financial companies, retailers, and government agencies [22].
ARS has not fully developed and implemented management controls for ensuring the accountability of program funds. We could not track the flow and the use of $72,231 transferred to the ARS collaborators in FY 2004. This occurred because the Area Office personnel were not required to track the program’s funds separately. Also, we found that expenditures totaling $39,438 were made by the science centers for personnel not listed in the projects’ workplans. This occurred because ARS relied on the science centers to provide oversight. ARS did not obtain financial documents or receive notifications of deviations from the workplans to verify whether expenditures were appropriate. As a result, ARS had reduced assurance that the program funds were being used appropriately. There was an increased risk that payments could be made to unapproved personnel not identified in the project’s workplan, personnel who are misclassified as former weapons scientists, and personnel who have presented inadequate evidence of having worked on the project.
Mark had been a drug addict and was living on the streets since he was 16 years old. At 22 he was arrested for criminal activity. While he was held at the police station, his mother – an unbeliever – saw a TV program where a Christian worker from the church-based rehab. centre was being interviewed about reaching people with addictions, and of Christ’s power to heal. Her son agreed to go to the centre, and as he heard the Gospel he was convinced of Christ’s power to save. However, he still had to serve time in prison for his crimes. Behind bars he met former associates who were serving long prison sentences. Suddenly he realized he was at a crossroad in his life. He could either return to his old life of drugs and crime and end up like them, or turn to Christ for salvation. He knelt in the cell and cried out to God to save him! “God filled the cell with an amazing sense of His presence, and the joy of assurance of salvation filled my heart” Mark stated.