Although few in number, many if not all native women that the Chi- nookans prostituted were likely slaves. Young women captured or obtained through trade, while not chattel, had little social status or control over their bodies. Slavery made one effectively kinless, without a local identity that others were bound to respect. Emphasizing slaves’ otherness, Chinookans commonly named them for their country of origin.22 Slavery existed prior to the fur trade, but under slavery it grew and took on new purposes. Pros- titution arose as a nexus. Throughout the Pacific trade, maritime encoun- ters between male sailors and native women were sometimes sexual and almost always fleeting; indigenous peoples varied in their responses to the challenges posed to their constructions of gender, sexuality, and social structure. In the havoc-wrought world of the 1790s and early 1800s, Chi- nookans sought social stability by using slaves for sexual labor. Women, seized in raids and traded away, arrived on the lower Columbia without kin relations, thus with no social status or protection afforded by their lineage. The transformation of women into slaves could subsequently be reversed by marriage, establishing a kin connection to the community. With the growth of the Northwest Coast fur trade, slave women filled the newly created role of prostitutes.23 Still, the prevalence of prostitution on the lower Columbia did not match the exaggerated claims of the published Corps accounts, and the Chinookans clearly sought more stable connec- tions through intermarriage.
All books present an idea, or a construction, of race, gender and sexuality, sometimes explicitly, sometimes in ways that are more subtle. Oftentimes, published artefacts and the narratives they contain present gender, sexuality and race in ways that resist or refuse the dominant ways of thinking about them. Mostly, however, the books we write, publish, buy and read reinforce dominant constructions of racial, gender and sexual identities and many perpetuate negative stereotypes. As we have discussed, these aspects of our identity are deeply significant, and often contested. It may not seem obvious at first, but when we look a little more closely we can see that publishing, as a discourse machine, is a significant component in how we constitute our identities and what those identities look like. Our ideas about gender, sexuality and race inform (and perhaps even dictate) the narratives we tell about ourselves, which, in turn, determine the kinds of stories that are published and disseminated. Societal ideas about these aspects of our identities find their way into books as a result of a publishing bias that selects, publishes and promotes written works in which identities are represented in specific (privileged) ways. Publishing Studies can illuminate these inequalities and biases. It can also investigate and document the ways that ideas about identity change, evolve or regress in book culture and in the publishing industry. Feminist Theory, Queer Theory and Critical Whiteness Studies are three powerful frameworks for exploring important questions about gender, sexuality and race in book culture.
The binary of culture and the economy implied in the move away from political economy and towards the ‘cultural turn’ has been challenged by what can be referred to as the ‘new political economy’ that treats the economy as culturally embedded. One of the implications of moving beyond the binary of culture and the economy, I believe, is that it becomes difficult to sustain the view that class processes are primarily economic and that gender, sexuality and ethnicity (as well as other social relations) are cultural or symbolic forms which are determined by class forces (as is found in the old debates on the connections between gender and class and race and class). Rather all these categories operate in different ways to produce the material- cultural nexus of social relations. This also relates to the insights provided by intersectionality frameworks regarding how different modes of inequality and division intersect or interlock, creating complex articulations which are patterned but not fixed or given. People themselves are not fixed into given hierarchical places but will occupy them at specific conjunctures and via the operation of how they intersect, in contradictory as well as mutually reinforcing ways (see Anthias 2013a and b).
When my research participants have not followed their spouses to Gilgit, they have chosen to travel there for reasons of adventure, philanthropy, and job ad- vancement, although most of them would have preferred work placements in a non- Muslim country. Apart from the few women for whom Gilgit is their first devel- opment job, many of my research participants have favoured working in northern Canada, Africa, western China, and south-east Asia. The experience of global travel provides them with a sense of adventure and self-determination as competent individuals doing vital development work. In terms of philanthropy, most of them also come to instigate socio-cultural reforms by revamping the local education and health system and ‘freeing’ Muslim women from an ostensibly oppressive Islamic culture through a transfer of Western expertise and their own ‘liberated’ example. Working abroad empowers them by increasing their knowledge, specialisation, and experience, which can translate into professional advancement, work autonomy, and pay increases once they return home. Teaching overseas in educational devel- opment also allows them to realise their intellectual potential and to garner some authority by training mostly male teachers, being Western educated, and represent- ing their development work as an essential cultural ‘improvement’ project. In de- ciding to accept a job placement in Gilgit, Western women use the sense of author- ity they gain through travel and ‘benevolent’ development work to protect them- selves against the gender and sexual oppression they expect to experience when living in an Islamic society.
population self-identified as Catholic (Pew Research Center 2014). But in recent years this percentage began to decline and, at present, has fallen significantly. According to the data released by the Pew Research Center, today 69% of the population of Latin America identifies as Catholic, while 19% identify with the evangelical faith. As Parker Gumucio (2012) indicates, given the loss of trust with Catholicism, Latin American parishioners tend to seek evangelical alternatives, and not to abandon the faith. This process, and its multiple social and political effects, interrupted the construction of Latin America as Catholic. This growth of the evangelical field, while destabilizing the Catholic hegemony, has contrib- uted to a reinforcement of conservative sexual politics lead by both the Catholic and evangelical churches that have placed sexuality and reproduction at the center of their concerns and political objectives. Several detailed case studies explore the development, and legal implications, of the transnational footprint of conservative religious activism, and its strong impact on gender and sexual policies. The article by Mauricio Albarracín and Julieta Lemaitre focuses on mar- riage equality in Colombia, in which all branch of governments have intervened in one way or another. The authors show in great detail Colombia’s path toward recognition of same-sex marriage, the protagonism of public officials and judi- cial institutions, and their complex relationship to religion. In particular, the role of Alejandro Ordoñez, the Inspector General of Colombia and a well-known Catholic activist on the far right of the Church, exemplifies religiously-inspired resistance and its intersections with the public sphere against the advance of sexual and reproductive rights.
sexuality as possibilities to construct different views on childhood by looking over the experiences; the knowledge and senses that children are sharing in their playing cultures. The scenes we bring up as supports to our reflections come from researches with children in pre-school municipal public institutions; in Rondonópolis; Mato Grosso; Brazil; conducted in the scope of Childhood; Youth and Contemporary Culture Research Group (GEIJC). The main questions we raise with gender and sexuality as markers; when we take them to the scholar context; are: (1) the children’s place in their right of expressing their genders and sexualities in this context; (2) the possibility of these expressions to be recognized and have despatologised and viable existences in learning contexts; as well as their detachment from moral and excluding values; and (3) the possibility of recognition; by the school and cognitive politics produced in this context; of different trajectories of gender and sexual expressions in children. In summary; our inquiries are directed to question the developmental idea as a progress to a “must be” oriented by linearity and universality of gender and sexual expressions; which debouch intensely in pedagogical discourses in search of a phallocentric; masculinist; heteronormative; binary and bourgeois identity.
academic art history has tended to ignore the sexuality of the male nude, speaking instead of line, form and composition as its primary objective. However, as interest in mythological subjects increased, artists found new approaches to representing the idealised male nude figure. This thesis will seek to rupture traditional concepts of the ideal nude in art. In Chapters One and Two this will be done by exploring its sometimes uneasy relationship to sexual desire. Queer is by definition whatever is at odds with the normal, the legitimate, the dominant. By ‘queering’ traditional idealization of masculine athletic beauty, these chapters offer a new mode of seeing the sensual yet virile male nude from the relatively decentred perspective of delectation and attraction. The analytical purchase provided by a queer reading of these chapters’ case studies will aim to demonstrate that by bringing gender and sexual attraction back into the evaluation we can shed greater light on how, although they reflect many of the values and proportions of ancient statuary, such figures also highlight the seductive appeal of the eroticised male nude body rather than its ideal geometry. Chapter Three considers another critical perspective opened up by a queer approach with analysis of the representation of the flayed ideal male body in religion, anatomy, and mythology. The term 'queer' is used here to imply that, as a rubric that enacts continuities with, but differs from ‘normative’ representations of the idealised male nude figure, these images of the flayed and violated nude body portray the literal and allegorical rupture of standard ideas of
There is a long history of discourse that constructs the female as evil or corrupt and the male as good and incorruptible. Even so, the impression given by much fantasy fiction is that women can never be so powerful that they pose a significant (global) threat. The ultimate evil in David Edding’s Belgariad series (Torak), J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series (Lord Voldemort) and Stephen Donaldson’s The Chronicles of Thomas Covenant series (Lord Foul), and dozens of others, are all male. In Tolkienesque fantasy the most powerful beings on both sides are usually male. In The Lord of the Rings, the Dark Lord Sauron and his opponents, the wizards, are all male. The Lady Galadriel, who does display temporal and magical power, is not present in the final battle with Sauron and plays only a supporting role in the fight against him. I would suggest this is because her powers are constructed as wholly feminine (protective and defensive, prophetic and personal) rather than the “masculine” powers accorded to Gandalf and the wizards, that are offensive and destructive, potent and global. The Faeden Chronicles addresses this by making the most powerful beings on both sides of the good/evil spectrum female. Morrigan is the ultimate (and potent) evil who poses a global threat. In contrast, the head of the Druid Order, my version of Tolkien’s brotherhood of wizards, is Kashashem, a black, elvish woman. There are also supporting characters of both genders on both sides of the good/evil spectrum, making it clear that gender is not an obstacle to power and does not determine whether a person is good or bad. Thus The Faeden Chronicles decouple good and evil from race and present women as capable of ultimate power, and able to be as good or wicked as they please, just like men.
The support that the President received from his political allies was counterbalanced by the uproar o f disapproval at the prospect of going back to regularizing prostitution with brothels, especially after it had taken long and painful years to get rid of them (see chapter 3). Representatives o f the left and Catholic groups found agreement in opposing this possible solution, and concerns were raised about the negative impact that this approach may have on the fight against sex trafficking. Livia Turco, who had served as Minister of Social Solidarity under one of the previous leftist legislatures, said she was worried about the conflation of trafficking and prostitution that had emerged from the President’s and others’ statements, and warned that a conceptual overlap or misunderstanding between the two might result in inappropriate and harmful forms of intervention (II Corriere della Sera 5th May 2002). The president o f the Catholic Forum delle Associazioni Famigliari (Forum of Family Associations) reportedly labelled the return to a regulamentarist regime a ‘hypocritical initiative’ aimed at hiding, rather than solving the problem. She questioned the fact that clients of prostitutes had been completely ignored, and attributed it to the double standard that tolerates various expressions of men’s sexuality while controlling and limiting that of women (Rai News 5th January 2002). Don Benzi was particularly outspoken in expressing his disapproval of Berlusconi’s proposal. He reportedly defined the possibility of re-opening brothels as “obscene and unjust. In this way the activity o f the criminals who enslave women for the exploitation o f their prostitution will be favoured. The state has to defend this dignity [of women] and cannot favour the criminals” (La
Chris and Stella agree that men and women are going to be treated differently in the aftermath of rape because it is not as socially accepted for men to be victims. They argue that a male rape victim is, “going to feel really, I don’t know, emasculated I think is the best way of saying it” (turn 2). The term “emasculated” signals a departure from the script of hegemonic masculinity, where ‘real men’ are constructed as potent and the male body is constructed as non-permeable and ‘endowed with physical closure’ (Wood, 2000). The female body, by comparison, is constructed as penetrable and women are treated as destined to have their bodily integrity shattered. Male rape victims are therefore positioned as different from female rape victims in having transgressed both socially constructed gender boundaries and constructions of ‘normal sex’. Chris and Stella thus argue that male rape victims suffer an ‘extra trauma’ to women in their experience of the rape act and that they will be treated differently to female victims because they will be judged to have failed (and may tell themselves that they have failed) in their masculine duty to “stick up for themselves” (see turn 3). Chris carefully distances himself as the author of this latter view, building credentials as a neutral, convincing speaker on this topic. He acknowledges that to characterize male rape victims as
This ethnography explores an interpretation of Bugis social and sexual experience through examination of the construction of gender identities and how they are manifested in marriage. The thesis explores the complementarity of gender for the Bugis. Despite the ideal of feminine passivity, I demonstrate that women exercise agency in a number of circumstances, including how they manage the sexuality of their husbands, defending siri’, the arrangement of marriage, remarrying, money management, divorce, and violent situations. I also examine the practices of illegal marriage (kawin liar) and illegal divorce (cerai liar) at local and personal levels. I analyse local and national debates on the legitimation of what is popularly known in Indonesia as ‘marriage based on religion’ (nikah secara agama) as part of the examination of Bugis marriage and marital relations.
Beyond a mere concern for privacy, limitations on cross-gender searches are grounded in their established linkage to sexual abuse. 90 Conceding that there is “some reason to think that this rule is less urgent for male prisoners” in light of the lesser degree of reported sexual trauma in the background of male prisoners and their lower rate of victimization by correctional staff, the commentary to Standard 23- 7.9 points out that an across-the-board rule was thought to have important benefits for both men and women prisoners, “reducing occasions for sexual abuse and respecting their human dignity.” 91
Currently, the Anti-Homophobia Policy is beginning to be operationalized through the development of an interde- partmental committee with minister-appointed delegates from all areas of government including public security, health and social services, education, sports and leisure, family and the elderly, culture, communication and condi- tion of women, immigration and cultural communities, labour, employment and welfare . As such, the policy holds the potential to serve as a guidance document for health care institutions, in the province of Quebec, towards enhanced health services access and good quality care for LGBT citizens. Caution must be taken, however, in that the policy document appears to conflate sexual orientation and gender identity through the textual repre- sentation of transsexual and transgender people as sexual minorities. This is an important oversight that can have critical consequences related to the ability of the docu- ment to provide guidance towards equitable transgender health services access. Moreover, the conflation of sexual orientation and gender identity risks the perpetuation of ongoing trans exclusion in considerations of health ser- vices barriers and access, and associated initiatives that may inadvertently address LGB populations only.
particular sets of issues, not the least of which is the constitution of the nation’s territoriality. Certain questions—of, for example, Kashmiri and Balochi nationalism, of the displacement of entire villages in Chhattisgarh in the face of multinational mining projects (WSS 2017), of the consolidation of Dalit and tribal franchise in Maharashtra (Parmar 2018), of environmental degradation and destruction in the wake of copper production in Tamil Nadu (Scroll Staff 2018b), protests against road safety (and bad governance by proxy) in Dhaka (Safi 2018a)—have drawn the full force of state repression in India Pakistan and Bangladesh, including not only the use of the law against sedition, but also the array of anti-terrorism and public nuisance laws. We may derive at least two insights from this very truncated representation of sedition and “anti-nationalism” discourses in South Asia. First, that sedition is embedded within a wider discourse on the constitution of the nation, where stateist anxieties regarding certain forms of speech evince the fragility of the idea of “national unity,” especially when the state responds to certain speech acts with organized violence. Second, given that “anti-nationalism” embodies such a far-reaching discursive rubric, understanding how and where it functions demands an equally expansive analytic rubric; this volume suggests that this rubric must include questions of gender, sexuality and gender identity as well.
West and Zimmerman (1987) postulated that “it is through socialization...that children...learn how to do gender in interaction and how to avoid sanctions for doing it wrong” (p. 457). Drawing from a feminist, social constructionist approach, the current study examined the processes through which lesbian/gay/bisexual (LGB) parents constructed and socialized gender and sexuality with their children, the contents of the messages parents conveyed to children about gender and sexual orientation, and parents’ perceptions of the influence of external socio- cultural systems on children’s learning of gender and sexuality. Processes of socialization were explored using a tripartite model of parental socialization roles: parents as interactors with children, parents as direct instructors or educators, and parents as providers of opportunity (Parke, Ornstein, Rieser, & Zahn-Waxler, 1994). In depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with twenty-one lesbian/bisexual mothers and thirteen gay fathers. Results were analyzed and discussed using an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) approach. Analyses of parental accounts revealed a shifting between acknowledging and downplaying parental influence on children’s beliefs and expressions of gender and sexuality, and between reproducing and challenging normative constructions and practices of gender, sexuality, and parenting/family. Patterns of differences were observed between mothers and fathers and in the treatment of daughters versus sons. Other family members, peers, schools, and the media were construed as having a significant impact on children’s beliefs and expressions of gender and sexuality. Parents spoke to perceived strengths/benefits of LGB parenting and offered recommendations to other LGB and heterosexual parents.
Amy-Chinn’s call for the ASA to abandon the regulation of ‘offensive’ advertising really highlights her frustration with a regulatory body that, in her own words, works “as a charter for the perpetuation of the sexual objectification of women” (Amy-Chinn 2006, p. 158). Indeed, in her earlier work on the regulation of sexualised lingerie advertising, Amy-Chinn has dismissed the ASA’s regulatory role, not as ineffectual, but as ‘out of touch’, arguing that the ASA’s conception of ‘offence’ in relation to sexual imagery feature within a heteronormative framework, offering an out- dated, moralistic view of female sexuality (ibid). Deborah Cameron has similarly argued, after conducting a study on a sample of non-broadcast adjudications between 2000 and 2004, that the ASA’s interpretation of ‘offence’ reflects ”a conservative social and sexual agenda whose values are heteronormative, patriarchal and phallocentric” (Cameron 2006, p. 42). Cameron concludes, in a similarly dispirited way to Amy-Chinn that, ”three-and-a-half decades of feminist analysis and protest have had very little impact on the mainstream understandings the Authority’s judgments are intended to reflect” (Cameron 2006, p. 42).
The tools consisted of the FGD guide, survey per- forma, and digital recorder. The FGD guide was vali- dated and pilot tested for feasibility. The survey performa helped to ascertain baseline information such as age, sex, academic year, and program. It also included additional information such as awareness of the words sexuality, gender and sex, and source of information on these top- ics. In addition there was a nine statement 5-point Likert scale ranging from “extremely uncomfortable” to “ex- tremely comfortable” to ascertain student’s perception of their comfort levels to deal with different clientele. The consent form contained specific information as to the purpose of the FGDs, how the personal information would be kept confidential and the way the information
Apart from the brothel scene mentioned in the previous section, visual sexuality is absent in Gothic and there are not even sexist remarks regarding women or the lack of them by the characters, nor are there any references to the sex lives of any of the characters. The religious and political leaders in the first part seem to like the proximity to barely dressed female slaves but are never shown or referred to as having intimate relationships with these females. Female characters appear merely as ornaments in their masters’ houses. While already many games with sexual encounters and sexualized portrayals of women exist (cf. Schott 2005), allusions to homosexuality are quite rare. The heterosexual romance plot that occurs in most games that deal with possible romantic encounters tends to reinforce the concept of compulsory heterosexuality (cf. Consalvo 2003, p. 180-191). Considering this, references to gay characters in games are remarkable. In this chapter I will discuss some aspects of the Gothic series that deal with potentially gay characters.