Language and Ideology

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Language and Ideology in English and Vietnamese business hard news reporting -  a comparative study

Language and Ideology in English and Vietnamese business hard news reporting - a comparative study

Ideologies are ways of representing unequal relations in society (Fairclough & Wodak 1997). They have been the focus of several media studies ( Brookes 1995, Teo 2000, Orkta 2001, Thetela 2001, Lukin 2004, Li 2009, Tardy 2009). The motivation behind the choice of this domain for research is to explore the role of media discourse in shaping social reality. Oktar (2001 p. 320) claims, “the media do not passively describe or record news events, but actively reconstruct them, mostly on the basis of their own ideological affiliations”. Similarly, van Dijk (1988) points out that a news story is not fully understood if the reader is not aware of the implicit ideology of elite groups embedded in the report. Ideology may not be manifest, especially in written language, and according to Fairclough, it is “most effective when its workings are least visible” (1989, p. 85):
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Language and ideology in the poetry of José Emilio Pacheco

Language and ideology in the poetry of José Emilio Pacheco

Consequently, in my reading of Pacheco, I am primarily concerned with Lacan’s understanding of subjective consciousness, its relationship to the Other, and the role that desire plays in projecting itself on the individual. Prior to my discussion of Pacheco’s works, it will be helpful to provide a short summary of these basic concepts of Lacan, as well as other related theoretical concepts, which help reflect the ideology in Pacheco’s poetry. The dialectic of self versus the other requires that we focus our attention both on subjectivity and epistemology; with respect to the former, it refers to the way in which the poetic speaker sees himself, and the latter, to the way the speaker knows, understands and responds to the rest of the world. Lacan proposed a direct correspondence between the acquisition of language and the interaction of our subjective consciousness with the outside environment. He generally points out that as young children, humans exist in a subjective state of wholeness, not distinguishing between their own body and that of their mother. Nonetheless, between the ages of six to 18 months, children pass through a mirror stage, where they begin to distinguish their mothers’ image from their own, thus leading to a dichotomy of self/other. Although this stage begins with the children’s fascination with their own image, they soon develop a sense of aggression, or
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LANGUAGE IDEOLOGY OF TEENAGERS TOWARD THE CATEGORIES OF GENDER IN LANGSA KOTA

LANGUAGE IDEOLOGY OF TEENAGERS TOWARD THE CATEGORIES OF GENDER IN LANGSA KOTA

The study deals with language ideology linked with gender categories and the research is conducted by using descriptive qualitative method (Cresswell, 2008). Language ideology and gender categories are closely related. Language ideologies are thus best understood as beliefs, feelings, and conceptions about language that are socially shared and relate language and society in a dialectical fashion (Voloshino, 2006). The paper highlights the influence of the society and the area in which the language is communicated as one of the main contributors to the speech differences between men and women, which later on contribute to their social differences. In other words, the differences or similarities, if existing, between male and female speech characteristics will be presented in the paper, taking into consideration the attitude of speakers and their communication habits and characteristics.Therefore, the research shows that ideology may not be divorced from the material reality of the sign and the sign may not be divorced from the concrete forms of social intercourse. From the data, it is seen that fifteen respondents, that is 90% states that there are differences while women and men talking, especially differences in gesture and intonation. This means that language only exists in actual interaction; but language ideologies give it a life outside of that interaction and link it to other interactions. Language only exists in interaction in context, but language ideologies including the language ideologies of professional linguists abstract from interactions in context and thus open language to social manipulation.
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The Arabic language and political ideology

The Arabic language and political ideology

These conditions have clearly favoured the revival of Egyptian nationalism (Aboelezz forthcoming). One linguistic manifestation of the recent surge in Egyptian nationalism in Egypt is the launch of Wikipedia Masry in 2008 (Panović 2010), which is, to date, the only official version of the online encyclopaedia in a regional variety of Arabic. Articles on Wikipedia Masry are written in ECA with some articles even written in Latin script. The earliest and most detailed pages are those addressing topics and personalities of direct relevance to Egyptian nationalism. A few years ago, I interviewed an Egyptian political party with an Egyptian nationalist ideology and the aim to make ECA the official language of Egypt (Aboelezz 2017). The party describes itself as an extension of the Egyptian nationalist current of the early 20th century; their ideology is consistent with the separatist territorial nationalism of Salama Musa and Louis Awad. Not only does this clearly indicate that Egyptian nationalism is far from dead, but this new wave of nationalism has a significant advantage over its predecessor: the technological means to make a previously disenfranchised ideology accessible to a wider audience.
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Language, Representation and Ideology in the Nigerian 2011 Presidential Election Newspaper Reports

Language, Representation and Ideology in the Nigerian 2011 Presidential Election Newspaper Reports

Many of the studies on media and political discourses in recent times have been primarily anchored on the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis because it investigates the relations between language use and social power, (Li, 2013). The concept of power has received considerable attentions from various scholars from Gramsci, Foucault, Althusser, Fairclough, van Dijk and many others. The concept has metamorphosed from „coercive state apparatus‟ which privileges the use of force in order to control and exercise power over the less powerful or subjects to „ideological state apparatus‟ where media becomes an instrument of power and influence without the knowledge of the subjects. The latter form of power and ideology is what the present study aims to unveil in the media representation of a political event. This will be unearthed using linguistic tools such as lexicalization, transitivity, presupposition, implicatures, among others.
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Language Ideology and the Colonial Legacy in Cameroon Schools: A Historical Perspective

Language Ideology and the Colonial Legacy in Cameroon Schools: A Historical Perspective

At a political level, linguistic ideology construes nationhood and citizenship as predicated on language. 3 The link between language and nation is such that it could be argued that a nation which is not defined or identified by the language that her people speak does not fundamentally exist. This link is to be traced back to the days of the Roman Empire and the use of Latin for the glorification of the Roman culture and influence. Patten traces the idealization of nationhood as predicated on language to sixteenth century French poet Joachim Du Bellay. In his La défense et illustration de la langue française Du Bellay purported that Rome’s language was ultimately a more effective and glorious kind of fortification than all its buildings and palaces. In the eighteenth century, three German philosophers of the romantic nationalist school- Johann Gottfried Herder, Wilhelm von Humboldt and Johann Gottlieb Fichte - formulated an influential theory of nationalism that established language as a crucial condition of individual well-being and political legitimacy. Herder viewed the relationship between nation and language as filial and argued that ‘to deprive a people of its speech is to deprive it of its one eternal good… with language is created the heart of a people’ (Herder, 1783, cited in Carlton, 1928, p. 53). Nonetheless, Herder’s conception of the link between language and nation was far from being essentialist and rather presupposed a relationship that was characteristic of linguistic identity, in the sense of an intrinsic attachment-devoid of any ideological fundament-to one’s native medium. Ethno-cultural nationalism à la Herder as propounded by Berlin (1976) implies the uniqueness of each culture as a reflection of humanity in its diversity. It does not bemoan multiculturalism or multilingualism and could find some theorizing likeness in the ‘unity in diversity’ conceptualization. By the way, given that language use is inclusive and exclusive at the same time, it becomes tenuous to deliberate on its being atonal, as any language is the vehicle of a culture that it mediates. By the close of the eighteenth century, a series of movements aimed at reviving, standardizing, enriching, and eventually making dominant historically spoken dialects of regional populations first took shape in the southern, northern and eastern peripheries of Europe and continued through the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth (Woolard and Schieffelin, 1994). 4
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Standard language ideology and Dutch school inspection reports (1801-1854)

Standard language ideology and Dutch school inspection reports (1801-1854)

Discussions about the form and function of the Dutch language were part of these semi-public debates about education as well as of the tradition of normative grammar (Noordegraaf 1999, 2012; Rutten 2012). Thus, linguistic nationalism arose as part of the broader development of cultural nationalism. An increasingly uniform body of normative rules founded on the literary language of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was prescribed, though significant variation persisted in eighteenth-cen- tury normative grammar (Rutten 2012). From c. 1750 onward, consensus arose that the written language as laid down in the literary tradition and in normative grammars should be considered to be the variety of Dutch with the most, if not the only right to exist. The label used to identify this variety was moedertaal ‘mother tongue’. In edu- cational discourse, it was argued that this mother tongue was a key instrument in the education and emancipation of the population, and therefore, that it should be taught in schools. The combination of education, top-down concern with the emancipation of the people, particularly the less-privileged, and the concomitant instrumentaliza- tion of a national ‘mother tongue’ signals the rise of standard language ideology (Rut- ten 2016a; Milroy 2001; Lippi-Green 2012).
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Language Power and Ideology in Commercial Discourse: A Prologue to Critical Discourse Analysis for Neophyte Analysts

Language Power and Ideology in Commercial Discourse: A Prologue to Critical Discourse Analysis for Neophyte Analysts

Commercial advertisements have assumed a powerful and determining role in the marketing of any object for sale. National and multinational companies use the tool of language to persuade and attract consumers to buy their products. They not use product information in a way as to highlight the superiority of their brand but they have also assumed the power of changing and modifying the general trends in all walks of life. Whether it is fashion, technology, edible products or sports, commercial advertisements have cut throat competition to defeat rival products and set the zeitgeist. The companies make it possible through devising slogans that relate to the dreams and aspirations of public, draw their attention and persuade them to consume the product. Hence the discourse of these commercial advertisements becomes a powerful tool in the hands of the companies who use it to exploit the consumer market for financial benefits. In line with the change and emancipatory agenda of the critical paradigm, this paper intends to provide a review of approaches and techniques critical discourse analysts may use to uncover vested agendas of writers in order to raise awareness among general audience of commercial discourse. Hence, this paper reviews the basic concept of critical discourse analysis (CDA) and illustrates for novice analysts how this analytical tool can be used for critique of ideology in texts.
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A critical geopolitics of American “Imperialism" and
grand strategy (Post 9/11): the role of language and
ideology

A critical geopolitics of American “Imperialism" and grand strategy (Post 9/11): the role of language and ideology

These are the main components of neoconservative foreign policy, as seen in what came to be known as the Bush Doctrine. Boot openly writes on this matter and states plainly, what it means to make foreign policy as a neoconservative: using force when necessary to “champion” American ideals and interests, specifically for the spread of democracy which is seen to benefit the entire world, making it a less dangerous place (Boot 2004: 23). Through neoconservatism runs the common theme that the world is inherently dangerous, and that the United States can help (in fact is needed) to make it safe. This language is observed in the speeches of Bush and his cabinet, with heightened emphasis after 9/11. Another prominent theme, brought to attention by Boot, is regime change. Boot argues that although it may seem radical, in fact, it is the “best way” to prevent crisis and war (Ibid). Boot, like other neoconservatives, is against negotiating with governments of rogue, terrorist or hostile states, as it is believed that this will only bring about further crises (Ibid). In an earlier book, Boot wrote that in fact democracy promotion is of utmost importance, as it will bring about peace. He concludes that “though the reasons have changed over the years, the United States has always found itself being drawn into ‘the savage wars of peace’ (Boot 2002: xix). Muravchik has also been outspoken about the idea that (imposed) democracy promotion is America’s most effective foreign policy, and should therefore take centre stage in its policy. He proposes three reasons why this is of great importance, which are: empathy for fellow humans, the belief that the more democratic the world, the friendlier it will be to America, and finally, the hope that a more democratic world will be a more peaceful one (Muravchik 1991: 8). Regime change and democracy promotion are therefore vital to the neoconservative foreign policy agenda.
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DECOUPLING LANGUAGE IDEOLOGY AND UNDERSTANDING INDIAN ENGLISH AS THE ESSENTIAL INDIANIZATION OF ENGLISH IN THE CONTEXT OF EMERGING WORLD ENGLISH-ES

DECOUPLING LANGUAGE IDEOLOGY AND UNDERSTANDING INDIAN ENGLISH AS THE ESSENTIAL INDIANIZATION OF ENGLISH IN THE CONTEXT OF EMERGING WORLD ENGLISH-ES

Essentially the spread of English can be accounted for as the one having two sides. One side represents those people who use English as their first language and the other represents those who use English as an additional language. The number of people using English as their additional language, the „other language‟ has indeed grown very large in size in comparison to those who employ English as their first language. The question however that has been repeatedly asked is “why English?”, “couldn‟t there have been any other international language, a language maybe artificially constructed with no prior cultural and linguistic connotations?”
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Ideology, Critique and Surveillance

Ideology, Critique and Surveillance

In the context of the move towards “ubiquitous surveillance” (Murakami Wood 2011) that the recent revelations of global surveillance programmes have again manifested, this paper has emphasized the need for Critical Theory to question the extent and nature of these surveil- lance processes. This paper has aimed to contribute to this process of interrogation, by fo- cusing on what Fuchs (2013) has termed the “surveillance ideology”, the promise of security through surveillance that seeks to legitimize the infringement of our civil liberties that result from increasingly comprehensive surveillance. Two aims were identified at the beginning of this paper, firstly to cast some light onto the workings of the surveillance ideology itself, and secondly, to contribute some theoretical groundwork for a critique of the surveillance ideolo- gy drawing on the work of Martin Heidegger. In order to locate the gap in existing critical ap- proaches to language and ideology that Heidegger can fill I began by examining the concept of ideology and the connection between ideology and language. Althusser corrected the blind spot of orthodox Marxism by identifying language as the process whereby the individual, as opposed to the social class, becomes an ideological subject, but seemed to offer no account of how language operates at the most basic, ontological level. Consequently there seemed some justification to look to Heidegger’s account of language for an explanation that might yield a better understanding of the linguistic mechanisms employed by the surveillance ide- ology.
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Language, ideology, and identity : referencing Maori in biographical collections : in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, Massey University

Language, ideology, and identity : referencing Maori in biographical collections : in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, Massey University

To examine the biographical construction of Maori, emphasis will be on a comparison between A Dictionary of New Zealand Biography of 1940 and The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography whic[r]

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Language, ideology, and identity : referencing Maori in biographical collections : in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, Massey University

Language, ideology, and identity : referencing Maori in biographical collections : in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, Massey University

ed., The Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, 1769-/869, vol.1, Wellington : Allen and Unwin/Department of Internal Affairs, 1990; viii; Whittemore, Reed, Whole Lives: Shapers of Modern [r]

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Language, ideology and education

Language, ideology and education

Because language has this constitutive role in relation to the social world attention to the use of language is important for the language we employ will be a significant factor in deter[r]

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Culture, ideology and educational change : the case of english language teachers in Slovakia.

Culture, ideology and educational change : the case of english language teachers in Slovakia.

The focus group interviews reported in this chapter (transcribed in Appendices J-L) present the perspectives of four very different groups of Slovak state school teachers on the proces[r]

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Introduction: Language, Identity, and Ideology in Ukrainian Media

Introduction: Language, Identity, and Ideology in Ukrainian Media

In the first two articles, Roman Horbyk and Holger Kusse write about verbal aggression in media discourse, demonstrating the diverse constructions of the “self” and the “other” in times of conflict by holders of different ideological positions in contemporary Ukraine. Horbyk analyzes texts from 2010-12, the time of electoral campaigns during the presidency of Viktor Ianukovych. Kusse focuses on media texts from 2014 onward, specifically those that exhibit language aggression during and following the Maidan revolution.

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The politics of Pro ʿāmmiyya language ideology in Egypt

The politics of Pro ʿāmmiyya language ideology in Egypt

There are many language myths which can be extracted from El-Sharkawi’s account of fuṣḥā, ʿāmmiyya and other colloquial Arabics (summarised in table 9.1). These myths invoke a number of topoi. The topos of purity, which is tra- ditionally invoked to exalt fuṣḥā, is portrayed here as a shortcoming: ʿāmmiyya is simpler and more flexible than fuṣḥā because it is not a pure language. The topos of authenticity is also invoked; ʿāmmiyya is closer to the Egyp- tian people because they are a “people with an auditory culture” (shaʿb saqaf- tuh samʿiyya). It is worth noting here that although El-Sharkawi paints an overall negative picture of fuṣḥā in comparison to ʿāmmiyya, he does not explicitly state that ʿāmmiyya is superior. For instance, when he compares the restricting conciseness of fuṣḥā to the verbosity of ʿāmmiyya, he acknowledges that both of these qualities have their advantages and disadvantages. Con- versely, when El-Sharkawi compares ʿāmmiyya to other colloquial Arabics, he is adamant that the former is better. The ‘rationalised evaluations’ provided to support his view invoke the topos of superiority (cf. Ferguson 1997 [1959]). For example, the theme of inherent beauty which is often associated with fuṣḥā is reappropriated here for ʿāmmiyya, which ‘sounds nicer’ than other colloquial Arabics. This is also evident in El-Sharkawi’s choice to reserve the label ‘language’ for Egyptian ʿāmmiyya, but relegate other colloquial Arabics to ‘dialects’.
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Language, identity, and ideology: Analysing discourse in Aceh sharia law implementation

Language, identity, and ideology: Analysing discourse in Aceh sharia law implementation

The notion of social identity is one of the issues that must be looked at in scrutinising the context of the language. In relation to the notion of identity, de Fina (2006, p. 263) describes it as ‘crucial, about conveying to one another what kind of people we are; which geographical, ethnic, social communities we belong to; where we stand in relation to ethical and moral questions; or where our loyalties are in political terms ’. Social identity is marked as a situation in which an individual or a group is categorised based on certain distinctive features, e.g. culture, skin colour, gender, biological sex, ethnicity, nationality, performance, etc. People tend to use schemes of cultural and social categorisation as a way to identify others who are seen to be particularly different from them, in a natural or predictable way. More often, working on the assumption has not always justified the real identity of the person.
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Image and Imagination in Fascist Ideology'

Image and Imagination in Fascist Ideology'

inferior behind coalesced in an image of overcoming. Indeed, these two elements were the foundations for the meaning of overcoming. Beyond good and evil, perhaps, but more effectively, beyond the world as it had been, beyond the provinciality of forces which always and already ran up against other forces of the same character. The religions, their denominations, their opposing cultures, and their bitter struggles and ironically hypocritical and sadistic conquests, were the institutions that were the hallmark of the traditions Nazism sought to overcome, though as often as not by using their methods. But it was the advent of the scientific worldview and its attendant cosmic imagination that cleared the ontological space for such ideas: "What is extraordinary about this fact is that it relativizes the distinctions among the great world religions. Each of them must certainly continue to hold that its own doctrine and its own faith are the true doctrine and the true faith, and yet scientific atheism and its political organization represent a viewpoint from which - politically considered - all the differences amongst religions seem less serious." (Gadamer 1998:89 [1983]). Cast in this way, modern knowledge appears to be but the fruit of a new and highly successful competitor to agrarian metaphysics, one that has territorialized much away from the latter. But this is not quite accurate. The correct attitude of the empirical scientist is one of a kind of agnosticism, and not atheism, which, as we have already seen, is a specific form of religious- based fervor apparently appropriate to the post-Darwinian period. Science proper is more like the thought of Marx and Engels, proper, as 'for the communist man the question of god cannot arise'. As against Feuerbachian atheism, Marx reminds us that a truly revolutionary consciousness no longer thinks of matters in the old binary of either there is a god or there is not. This is patently an eighteenth century question, and one, after Marx, Nietzsche and Freud, seems to have less value today. This is where atheists of all stripes make an historical error. They seem to wish to turn the clock back on the metaphysical debate a few centuries, and in this they participate as much in their own version of religion as those they rail against. Even so, if agnosticism is both the more reasoned and ethical form of thinking concerning the other world, the question of its existence or its non-existence are still somewhere in our minds. I think this will be the case unless and until technical evolution as a specific aspect of the cultural evolution humans have been subject to since the earliest of the hominids developed technology, language, and the community of humanity, pushes us into a new species with indefinite lifetimes.
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Pronouns and Ideology in Newspaper Discourse

Pronouns and Ideology in Newspaper Discourse

Although it is regarded to be an old-fashion news media, the newspaper is still the main category of news coverage and it is the preferable one than other media forms (Youssefi, Kanani, & Shojaei, 2013). Besides its role in informing and transmitting different issues, the newspaper presents a great amount of details related to the news, events descriptions, and analysis of their significance and effect. Newspapers have a crucial part in portraying social and national issues (Mahmood, Javed, & Mahmood, 2011). Such issues bear ideological values hidden under the words chosen to represent them. These values are revealed through the use of CDA (Fairclough, 1995). Hence, Fairclough (1992) defines CDA as a systematic investigation of “opaque relationships of causality and determination between (a) discursive practices, events and texts, and (b) wider social and cultural structures, relations and processes” to reveal the way in which such events, practices and texts take place and how they are ideologically categorized by power relations (p. 135). CDA has been applied in many studies in relation to newspaper discourse. CDA contributes to the field of linguistic studies in media discourses either spoken or written as it is focused on discovering hidden meanings, the relationship between language and context, the power of language use in different disciplines, in addition to highlighting texts as reflecting ideological, social, cultural, and political ideologies (Fairclough, 1995; van Dijk, 1995).
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