Finally, critical race feminism raises important questions about terms such as merit and fairness in higher education. Critical race feminism and CRT question the very notion of terms such as “merit” and “fairness”; such critiques have been used to challenge affirmative action laws intended to broaden access to positions of power for women and minorities in higher education (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). Research has shown that merit in higher education and other institutions is not neutral, but rather is influenced by social constructs of race, class and gender (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). For instance, coachable standardized aptitude tests such as the SAT and GRE not only reward those from high socioeconomic backgrounds but are also poor predictors of academic success in college or graduate school (Brooks, 2003). Also, CRT analyzes the highly contextual aspects of merit; if benchmarks move up or down, distribution changes radically (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001).
In the forward to a recent book on new theories and methods for studying race, class, and gender, Lynn Weber  describes how American women of color in the 1970s and early 1980s, many from working class backgrounds, came to critique the patriarchy tradition within gender studies for privileging gender over race and class (and subsequently critiqued the stratification tradition for privileging class over gender and race, etc.). They argued that these axes of inequality are in fact analytically inseparable, and that “ the multidimensional- ity and interconnected nature of race, class, and gender hierarchies were especially visible to those who faced oppression along more than one dimension of inequal- ity” [6:xii]. These scholars envisioned axes of inequality pertaining to gender, race, and class that intersect with one another, i.e., that are interlocked, dependent upon one another, and mutually constituted . Power rela- tionships along the lines of gender, race, and class were thought to be mutually defining and mutually reinfor- cing rather than analytically distinct systems of oppres- sion, together forming a “ matrix of domination ” . By the mid-1980s, lesbians of color had bridged the gap between gay and lesbian studies and the growing body of race, gender, and class research that had to that point ignored heterosexism , and axes of inequality pertain- ing to national origin, citizenship status, religion, dis- ability, and age also received some attention. The contributions of these various scholars gave rise to what is now known as “intersectionality theory.” Landry  notes, however, that intersectionality theory does not provide a set of propositions that together form an explanation; rather, intersectionality theory currently consists of a loose set of principles or assumptions that are being applied and tested by many researchers in a variety of contexts.
Figure 7 is, of course, only a relatively crude comparison: we have already shown, for example, that patterns of attainment vary by social class background within ethnic groups (see above). Nevertheless, the illustration is helpful because it characterises something of the relative scale of these inequalities. Indeed, this analysis suggests that, of the three best-known dimensions of inequality (‘race’, class and gender) the latter, gender, and in particular boys’ underperformance represents the narrowest disparity. In contrast to the disproportionate media attention, our data shows gender to be a less problematic issue than the significant disadvantage of ‘race’, and the even greater inequality of class. Our intention here is to contextualize these relative disadvantages: it is important not to fall into the trap of simply arguing between various inequalities. All pupils have a gender, class and ethnic identity – the factors do not operate in isolation.
Finally, I use logistic regression with five models of expressing anger directly, that is, toward the person who made you angry. This question was only asked of respondent’s who could recall the last time they were angry in the last week. Therefore, the 260 respondents who had not felt anger in the last week were omitted. Despite this change, the analysis is similar to the prior analyses, but shifting the focus towards the direction of the respondent’s anger expression. Unlike the prior analysis, the majority of respondents indicate that they do not agree with the question. That is, they do not express anger directly. Further, unlike the prior analysis, bivariate results suggest there are very little sex, race, and gender differences with the exception of a much lower percentage of upper class respondents reporting they express anger directly. I use the same control variables as in the prior analyses. Then I add in the inequality variables, then the gender ideology scale, then the interaction between gender ideology and sex. As in prior analyses, due to sample limitations, I split the sample and regressed the three parallel models just as I did in the feeling analysis on the expression of anger. Next I will report the results from the analyses and then discuss the whether or not the hypotheses are supported by the results.
This article forms part of a larger PhD study that focused on the promotion of female nurses in public and private sector hospitals in South Africa, and reports on a subsection of the larger study, that is, the views of nurses on the influence of the Employment Equity Act (EEA), No. 55 of 1998 of South Africa on the promotion to managerial positions and the embedded realities of race, class and gender. The EEA was promulgated in 1998 by the South African government to redress the labour market inequities created by apartheid and to minimise discrimination on the basis of race, gender, disability and Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) status. According to the EEA, unfair discrimination does not apply to the exclusion of a candidate who does not meet the minimum inherent requirements of a job. At the same time, Section 20, subsection 5 (Republic of South Africa, 1998) affirms that unfair discrimination similarly relates to not appointing a qualified person because of a lack of experience. Furthermore, employers have to develop employment equity plans to attain an equitable account of all designated groups in the workplace. These plans should promote employment opportunities for designated groups that were previously disadvantaged, that is, females, African people (this included African people, mixed-race people and Indian people) and people with disabilities (Steyn, 2010; Burger & Jephta, 2006). The 2015 Orientation: Regardless of the implementation of the Employment Equity Act (EEA), No. 55 of 1998 and the abolishment of apartheid in 1994, African and mixed-race females are under-represented in managerial positions in the public sector of the Western Cape (WC) in South Africa and nationally in the private health sector.
Notions of gender and social class were and remain as im- portant in the creation and recreation of racial disparities as is the ideology of white supremacy that enforces and patrols the boundary between those who think of themselves as white and those who have been assigned by historical practices to social locations of racial categories (Ferber, 1998; Pascoe, 2010; Wallenstein, 2002). The interview excerpts illustrate that ideas of race, gender and social class are inextricably entangled with understandings of both the color line and racial ideologies. By examining what multiracial family members say about their race and gender performances, this research exposes the gen- dered ways that race is socially constructed. Second, the data illustrate how gender conflates with social class and continues to function in contemporary society as an essential prop of the historical racial hierarchy. Although especially true in the social construction of white femininity, with its emphasis on purity and racial purity that forms the ideological linchpin for white supremacy, ideations of femininity/masculinity and respectabil- ity/class operate as powerful social constraints on many of the men and women who have formed families across the color line.
my hero, a fierce mujer who against all odds completed her doctorate in history and paved the path for those of us who came afterwards. Heather Sinclair, my comrade in the reproductive health and rights trenches, pushed me to critically examine the intersections of race, class, and gender and was never quite satisfied with the outcome—I owe her a huge debt of gratitude. Her own work inspired mine! And helped situate my study within larger discussions of birth and contraception in the borderlands. More importantly, she showed me what it means to truly practice reproductive health and justice in the borderlands when she graciously became my midwife in 2011. Her transformation from rigorous scholar to attentive midwife—I marveled at the power of her hands to protect and bring forth life—is forever etched in my mind. My quirky and enduring friendship with Micheal Kirkland Bess (MK) has brought me great joy throughout this process. He has diligently read paragraphs, chapters, snippets, and ramblings when I asked and always (and I mean always) had a thorough accounting of how to make my writing better and what he thought was masterful. Our work together on separate projects has only served to nurture my love for brining borderlands history to the greater public. Many thanks go to mi querido compañero Jamie Ruiz, an outstandingly patient and caring friend, whose family supported my research in Ciudad Juárez, and always made time to meet and share insights about the dissertation process. Claudia Lopez, one of the most savvy and prepared Latinas I know, supported me most in the last stretch of this hustle. While juggling activism and her own dissertation struggles, she managed to stay connected with me and my efforts and never missed an opportunity to write alongside me. Her resolute attitude toward our scholarship continues to nourish me. My brother from another mother, Dennis Aguirre, nurtured my mind during the first years of course work. Our conversations weaving history and theory informed the contours of this dissertation. A very special debt is owed to Jason Ferreira, my
Many qualitative and quantitative studies have employed an intersectional approach to explore, at multiple levels of analysis, how structures in different contexts work together to shape people’s lives. Collins (2000), for example, discusses cultural stereotypes unique to black women, such as the asexualized Mammy and the welfare queen. Kirschenman and Neckerman (1991) found that employers depict young black men from the city as lazy and dangerous but cast black women as single mothers; Browne and Kennelly (1999) found similar results. Cortina (2001) measured workplace sexual harassment for Latinas by adapting a questionnaire developed primarily to assess white women’s experiences. By adding questions about “sexual racism,” she captured key differences in Latinas’ interpretations of particular questionnaire items to those by white women respondents. Similarly, Romero (1992) focused on Chicana domestic workers and highlights how employers draw on ideologies of race, class, and gender to justify exploiting these women. And Frankenberg (1993) argued that intersectionality shapes the lives of white women just as it does women of color, concluding that whiteness and masculinity/femininity coproduce each other in ways affected by the histories of colonialism, racism, and capitalism.
In this light, findings presented here indicate that the relative school success of South Asian girls is not neces- sarily accompanied by their greater wellbeing or translated into a greater tendency towards a selective form of accul- turation by these girls. Interviews widely suggest that in the context of immigration and poverty, and exposure to a liberal society with arguably greater value put on individu- alism, the specific race-gender experiences that these girls endure can result in confusion between two cultures, conflicts with parents, high-risk behaviour, and even self- harm. Adding these challenges to non-democratic paren- tal styles suggests that the process of acculturation among South Asian girls, both in terms of maintaining their own ethno-cultural identities and in terms of flexibility to de- velop a bicultural identity that may lead to optimal out- comes, is challenging. Nevertheless, our data show that some girls appear to have more flexibility in construct- ing a resilient identity, attempting to bridge the two cultures. That being said, acculturation is a long and complex process requiring separate examination for a fuller, longitudinal picture of the role played by gender. More in-depth and long-term studies are needed to understand how gender shapes the acculturation process of South Asian youth in Quebec. In this respect, the study of the intersection of gender, ethnicity, and class and how this intersection impacts immigrant children's education and adjustment is particularly rich.
briefly note some of the ways in which it has been conceived here. The idea that gender, race and class are distinctive systems of subordination with their own range of specific social relations (Williams 1989; Weber 2001) is found in a range of work (see also Walby 2007 for the application of complexity theory). On the other hand gender, race and class may be treated as different ideological (e.g. Collins 1990) or discursive practices that emerge in the process of power production and enablement (as would be suggested in the work of Foucault 1972). This is a particularly important approach which treats social divisions as historically contingent, as Foucault’s work suggests. A particularly influential account of intersectionality in the United States (for example around human rights) is that categories of discrimination overlap and individuals suffer exclusions on the basis of race and gender, or any other combination (Crenshaw 1994). Clearly important is that this approach leads to an interest in the production of data or policy research and practice that recognizes the specificity of the problems of such intersectional identities (e.g. racialised women). A position that I have developed with Nira Yuval Davis (Anthias and Yuval Davis 1992) is that social divisions refer to social ontologies around different material processes in social life, all linked to sociality and to the social organisation of sexuality, production and collective bonds (for further developments see Anthias 1998; 2001a; 2001b; 2008; 2009; 2012; 2013 a and b; Yuval Davis 2006).
Media literacy. Another component of the curriculum focused on the concept of media literacy, which questions how different forms of media construct, reproduce, and give meaning to “the ways that culture constructs a system of social differences, with hierarchies, exclusions, defamations, and sometimes legitimation of the dominant social groups’ power and domination” (Kellner, 1998, p. 5). The media literacy component of the curriculum built on the foundations of the introductory activities and storytelling by teaching participants how to both look for and critique elements of power and privilege that are present in different forms of media specifically related to how Black girls and women are depicted. To that end, I brought in videos and other forms of media that focused on issues of race, gender, and class related to Black girl identities. As I presented the media, I asked the girls to think about how the content was reflective (or not) of their lived experiences, what questions they had about the content and source of the media, and other ideas that the media raised for them in terms of power and privilege. As the project progressed, participants also brought in their own media to share with the group
peoples’ discussion networks found that network size decreased from 1984 to 2004, possibly due to shifts in family structure (McPherson, Smith-Lovin, and Brashears 2006). Elderly adults have more family and less friends in their support networks than younger adults (Antonucci and Akiyama 1987a, Matt and Dean 1993). Older individuals may also have more geographically distant networks and less frequent contact compared to young adults. Despite sometimes conflicted evidence, a number of studies support the idea that increased social contact leads to greater life satisfaction (Baker et al. 2005, Lang and Baltes 1997, Nezlek et al. 2002). If older peoples’ networks are actually shifting or shrinking, these changes could have a profound impact on their well-being. Further, these effects can sometimes vary by class, race, and gender with women and people of high SES having larger, more diverse networks and blacks receiving different types of support from their friends and family than whites (Antonucci and Akiyama 1987a; Antonucci et al. 1998; Sarkisian and Gerstel 2004). Aging inequality literature often focuses on how inequalities play out over time, resulting in cumulative advantage and disadvantage over the life course (for a review, see Dannefer 2003). With such diversity in experiences, it is likely that inequalities based upon age, race, gender, and class combine over the life course and manifest in differential social support networks and mental well-being outcomes.
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Within academia, Bannerji’s marginality was accentuated by her Marxism. It is not difficult to imagine how her officially precarious university status, throughout much of her career, could be justified by so-called objective standards of academic excellence. Thus, publication in mainstream journals, using mainstream theories less disturbing to existing power relationships than Marxism is necessary for scholarly advancement (Smith 2004, 37-44). Moreover, it is telling that Bannerji feels compelled to specify her own anti- racist and feminist orientation within mainstream Marxism. Like most academic theories, mainstream Marxism remains premised on the wholly unjustified assumption that it is possible to talk about actually-existing social relationships in capitalism whilst abstracting from -- that is, ignoring --the simultaneously racialized and gendered but also ableist and heterosexist nature of social life. As if, writes Bannerji, “nothing much is to be learned about the nature of economic, social and political organization…by studying lives or concerns of women of colour” (1995, 43). By insisting on the centrality of the simultaneous experiences of race, gender and class oppressions within the historically specific configuration of world capitalism, Bannerji seeks to challenge a canon that institutionalizes these as “objectively” minor dynamics – but the immediate price is to be dismissed as a scholar concerned with “minor” issues.
Because I saw each Paula more “herself” in the company of supportive allies or a chosen community in which they felt accepted, I thought a lot about the ways in which we all negotiate our identities to create a personal sense of safety. Every time I crossed the Mexican border going into Mexico, I could feel the privilege of my U.S. citizenship. But while coming back, and if I encountered hostility from the INS, especially if I had traveled alone, I could feel the vulnerability created by my skin color and ethnicity which made me feel unsafe despite all my privileges as an educated, upper middle class U.S. citizen. If I traveled alone, I could feel the vulnerability of my gender. So I too learned to negotiate those metaphoric borders for a personal sense of safety. The fact is that the borders of gender and sexuality are simply more firm or porous based on the places where they meet the borders of race, class, sexuality, citizenship, etc. While Paula does not live in a city like San Francisco where there is more social and legal legitimization of the queer identities, she does live in Austin, Texas, which has some opportunities for her openness as a socially reconstructed white lesbian. Meanwhile, her tocaya, 116 Paola, can live more openly as a gay
The race and gender of the candidates, along with Obama’s fifty-state strategy, brought into stark relief some of the long-standing, yet often ignored, divisions and differences throughout the country. Certainly racial differences came to the fore but so did regional, class, and other demographic differences. For purposes of this part of the discussion, the most significant differences are those centering on race in rural settings; this is an issue that is often either overlooked or involves a superficial discussion rife with unquestioned stereotypes. The goal of this portion of the essay is to bring attention to the complex way in which issues of race play out in a rural setting. This is, by no means, meant to be a comprehensive discussion or even a survey of such issues. Rather, our intent is to highlight at least one way in which the complexity of race played out in rural areas in the 2008 presidential election and to offer some preliminary suggestions regarding what this may mean as we try to understand one another and become a more unified country going forward.
The growing racial and class convergence in employment patterns both reflected and also influenced changes in women’s perceptions of their gender roles and how they wanted to live their lives. Identification with The Feminine Mystique and Friedan’s arguments helped speed up these changes for some women, as did the broader resurgence of feminism of which the book was a part. Nevertheless, the story of married women’s employment, and women’s roles generally, was more complex than Friedan depicted because she neglected crucial variables that affected women’s economic activities, particularly class and race. Whilst The Feminine Mystique articulated ‘the problem that has no name’ and presented professional work as the answer, women had already begun to find solutions for themselves via increased education and employment throughout their life cycle, regardless of marital status. The pattern of economic activity among elite white women, the cohort Friedan focused upon, changed in the twenty years following the book’s publication, coming to more closely resemble that of working-class and non-white women. As the century progressed, professional and white collar employment became the norm, a widespread experience for women regardless of social class, race, age, marital or maternal status. This seemingly vanquished ‘the problem that has no name’ although not the obstacles and difficulties that continue to face all women in the labour force.
When I was invited to participate in this session, an ISN member mentioned that young activists turning their gaze towards feminism and anti-racism are interested in the idea of intersectionality as a method. Intersectionality emerged from an American academic discourse that was aimed at making liberal legal rights frameworks a bit better at accounting for how some people do not simply suffer discrimination along one axis, either gender or race or sexuality. While intersectionality usefully opened a conversation in the North American, and twenty years later, the British legal academy about how equality law could better function, in my view its usefulness has really run its course. Intersectionality is primarily a left-liberal law reform project that does little to account for class. As a discourse that is primarily academic and law reform-oriented, I don’t think that this has much to offer left political
The results in relation to gender and race both display clear deficits. While female employees make up 48% of the workforce, only 42% of women hold leadership roles. In terms of BAME employees, the figures are significantly worse, with only 10% of BAME employees in leadership roles. While the Diversity and Inclusion Strategy is arguably a positive step in recognising and working to level the landscape for women, BAME, LGTB and/or disabled employees at the BBC, it is important to note the absence of social class as a marker for issues connected to diversity and inclusion in these targets. 1 Such an omission in terms of understanding structural inequalities of opportunity points to a distinct oversight. As Rhian E. Jones notes, ‘attempts to improve diversity […] rarely include attention to how socio -economic background
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