other composer) had selected a style of working specifically as a response to the war, this would be detectable as a distinct variance with their earlier work. However, while it may be possible to show this for other composers, in Moeran’s case, only five works survive that are known to have been composed before he went to the front line and was injured in 1917, and three of these—the piano work Fields at Harvest (probably December 1915), the song-cycle Four Songs from ‘A Shropshire Lad’ (July 1916) and what is now published as the second movement of the String Quartet in E flat (probably November 1916) indicate the influence of folk music, and may be considered as displaying the characteristics of a pastoral idiom. In later life, Moeran was prone to destroying earlier compositions that he found now displeased him, and the present author has estimated based on the number of former works that are known or believed to have previously existed that just a small proportion of Moeran’s work produced between 1913 and 1925 has survived. 93 Thus, it seems to be very likely that Moeran
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Empire is certainly an important and complex work. It weaves a broad metanarrative, adopting the globe rather than the map as a guiding geographical metaphor in order to re-codify the world and its processes. It is a work that offers many potentially intriguing theoretical challenges for geographers; I will limit myself to but a few of these in the limited space of this piece. I would like to focus my comments especially on two broad questions: the first centres on the geographical implications of the disappearance of the “outside” theorised by Hardt and Negri; the second looks to the consequences of the Bush administration’s “war on terror” on the accomplishment of Empire, noting the ways in which the ontological shift in transatlantic relations posited by many American conservatives (see, for example, Fukuyama, 2002; Kagan, 2002) can offer a potentially interesting geo-political re- interpretation of this transition.
This last comment exposes the dilemmas of authority and trust in the context of human- autonomous weapon interaction. Interestingly, jurors did not comment on the possibility of human error or unreliability when working under pressure or controlling multiple units at one time due to cognitive overload. Jurors were more concerned about the personal qualities of the controllers, their ethical stands, intentions and hidden political agendas. On the other hand, robots were perceived as lacking moral agency and therefore prone to act unethically, while some other jurors felt that robots could be fairer that humans. However, the theme of control expressed within the concept ‘what if something goes wrong?’ keep emerging as a recurring concern:
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Although it is now a full 70 years since the close of the Second World War, there is little sign of a decline in either academic or public interest in the history of the war. In fact, there seems to have emerged a growing interest in the experiences not of those who held commands or public office, but rather of those who served and fought as ordinary soldiers and sailors. This interest is particularly keen in the United Kingdom and the United States, two nations whose forces have been, and continue to be, deployed in places like Iraq and Afghanistan, and it is not surprising that in Britain and America there exists such interest in how and why soldiers fight, or fought. Those studies which have appeared in the last 15 years or so have not been hagiographical works, at least for the most part, but have examined the complicated experiences of those who went into battle and of the ways in which nation-states organized and trained the large numbers required for such a massive military effort. On the British side, these include studies by, among others, David French, Jonathan Fennell, Clive Emsley and (very recently) Yasmin Khan. For American troops, particularly those who passed through the UK before June, 1944, David Reynolds’s account of the ‘occupation of Britain’ is unmatched.
Cold War politics considerably increased the amount of spending on civil defense and federal scientific research programs. Between 1945 and 1970, a massive industrial complex developed by Cold War military spending transformed the United States. Federal incentives and tax policy aimed to promote suburban areas for new military and scientific installations. New communities were being built in the urban periphery around various scientific research plants during the early decades of the Cold War. The rise of “cities of knowledge,” as historian Margaret Pugh O’Mara has called them, moved economic activity away from the central cities. 47 In the decades following World War II, federal scientific research spending was turning quiet agricultural areas like Weston, Illinois, into booming and elite suburbs. These “cities of knowledge” were systematically cut off from the urban poor by the elimination of affordable housing through the zoning code and racial discrimination.
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For centuries, the implicit or explicit relegation of free trade, as an apparatus for keeping the peace, in favour of its other counterparts offer nothing but unprecedented strife in the international scene. For instance, the 16 th and 18 th centuries were recognised as a period when Western nations pursued mercantilism to the detriment of free trade. Under this system, the economic ideal of governments is to maximize exports and minimize imports to upturn national wealth. The offspring of this consummation is transnational strife further birthing constant warfare deeply rooted in economy-induced malice. The reason for this is that mercantilism encourages nations to fight over scarce resources rather than devise means of engaging in mutually beneficial trade relations. However, the latter part of the nineteenth century, when Manchester Liberalism flourished, saw the international community on the path to peace. Remarkably, this path splits into two horizontal parallels. Firstly, free trade is not bordered by forms of government, thus, nations are more peaceful and prosperous because they are not engaged in a zero-sum game. Connected to this is the reality that the expansion of free trade, as manifested at the end of Second World War, makes it costlier for each nation to go to war. Secondly, economic interdependence occasioned by free trade makes imposition of peace binding on nation states. This is made possible through prevalent economic sanctions now referred to in some scholarly quarters as economic deterrence. In a nutshell, war is a relatively rare phe- nomenon in the international scene. Its avoidance is traceable to a number of explanations which include military power, democracy and free trade. Much as it is admitted that military power goes a long way in chronometrically regulating war and peace; and that democracies are not only far more peaceful than other forms of government such as authoritarianism due to its nature of popular participation, but also endowed with potentials of leading to a much safer world in the long run, free trade has continued to exert itself as the least flawed and most effective mechanism for keeping the peace in the international space, unlike its other counterparts with proven potentialities of being counterproductive, and this promises to be the case for a long time to come.
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34 But see United States v. Lewis, 728 F. Supp. 784, 789 (D.D.C. 1990), rev’d, 921 F.2d 1294 (D.C. Cir. 1990) (“In this ‘anything goes’ war on drugs, random knocks on the doors of our citizens’ homes seeking ‘consent’ to search for drugs cannot be far away. This is not America. In my opinion, the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution is transgressed when police officers engage in a concerted planned program that involves random indiscriminate stopping, questioning, and searching individuals with the clear purpose to obtain from their lips and their bodies information and evidence that would incriminate them.”); United States v. Cothran, 729 F. Supp. 153, 157 (D.D.C. 1990), rev’d, 921 F.2d 1294 (D.C. Cir. 1990) (“[P]resent police practices in furtherance of the ‘war on drugs’ represent, in modern sophisticated dress, the same type of government behavior that led to this nation’s war of independence.”).
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The New Model Army’s Declaration of 14 June 1647 famously stated that ‘We were not a mere mercenary army, hired to serve any arbitrary power of state’. This phrase, a favourite of historians of the period, captures the fateful politicisation of Parliament’s army; an event that ultimately catapulted England into its dalliance with regicide and republican government. The New Model’s denial that they were mercenary soldiers, however, begs questions of honour and the nature of ‘soldiers for a cause’ that has long demanded further enquiry. Ian Gentles’ ambitious The New Model Army (1) can be seen as one of the first attempts to explain the cultural underpinning of this particular Army. Barbara Donagan’s War in England 1642–1649 goes further and presents an ambitious attempt to provide a cultural history of warfare in the English Civil Wars that is informative for non-military historians as well as the educated general reader.
The MAID opens the door, revealing David and Julian. She nods, stepping back to allow them to enter. Beyond her, in a livingroom, a cocktail party goes on. Included among the guests is JACQUELINE, an extremely attractive and well- dressed woman of indeterminate age, as her face is without line, and moves very little.
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Contrary to Fr. Daly’s personal review of Spotlight, Michelle Boorstein’s article for the Washington Post uses neutral language and appeals to a wide audience of readers, regardless of religious affiliation. At the beginning of the article, she poses the question regarding the priest pedophilia scandal, how are things different in 2015? Boorstein quotes Francesco C. Cesareo, Chairman of the USCCB’s National Review Board as stating the following on the sexual abuse situation in 2015: “Sexual abuse of minors is a problem that affects many institutions in our society. In 2002, the Catholic Church recognized that it was not immune to this issue.” Boorstein also quotes Dubuque Archbishop Michael Jackels stating the following:
Our users have been fulsome in their praise for the new systems. In Phase 1, our students appreciated being involved in the trial phase and being able to give feedback. Initial reactions to the off-campus requesting system were that the system eliminated many steps, saved time and typing, and was user-friendly. Comments such as “absolutely brilliant”, “wonderful” and “great” were common. We found that usability testing is important. Lossau (2004) states that “in any market situation it is of paramount importance to take a close look at potential customers and their usage behaviour. … the new, competitive situation forces libraries to see things much more from the perspective of the user”. At each step of our phased rollout of DocEx, we have conducted a “pilot” phase with selected users in order to gather feedback and iron out problems in functionality and workflow before opening it up to our general user base. This is the best way we can ensure our users will have a positive experience with the system when it goes fully live – and is also a valuable and less stressful environment for staff to get up to speed with changed workflows and processes before dealing with large volumes of requests and enquiries.
The author takes an extreme methodological position -- one with which we disagree. He or she argues that the social scientist’s standard personal controls (marital status, income, education, etc) should be omitted from these kinds of well-being equations, and goes on to argue that “Blanchflower and Oswald should…provide estimates of what has really happened to well-being through the life course in the countries studied”.
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As Jayne Hidebrand has argued, habit is a crucial dimension of the communal system as Morris conceived it. She shows how Morris opposes habit to the liberal concept of the autonomous, rational individual. Habit provides “a commonly shared level of experience – a somatic guarantee of the ‘condition of equality’ that is the basis of a communist society” (Hildebrand 2011, 13). Hildebrand perceptively suggests that such habit does not reduce individual activity to some dull routine, but “opens up a field of variation that manifests itself in the diversity and beauty of the labourers’ productions and, more subtly, in the pleasure they take in their labour” (Hildebrand 2011, 16). This transforms and enhances the worker’s body and capacities no less than work under capitalism stunts them by confining them to specific forms and patterns. The habits developed in the communal system empower individuals to engage in “infinitely complex and varied kinds of labour,” just as musicians’ training can make possible “unthinkably complex and beautiful improvisations” (Hildebrand 2011, 17). Crucially, such a situation could only come into being after a lengthy historical transition period, during which the transformation of the habitat and habitus would occur, giving rise eventually to new habits, “spontaneous,” but non-reified, forms of thought and action rooted in long years of a revolutionary people working upon itself.
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The very existence of such a woman seems to have deprived some men of their faculties. One businessman asked that his notes be placed under her pillow, while Kingsley Amis wrote rapturously of her ‘sexual beauty’. Alan Clark, whose appetites in this direction apparently knew no bounds, told Moore that ‘I don’t want actual penetration – just a massive snog’ (p. 436). This must all have been rather tiresome; but Thatcher learned first to manage the problem and then to use it to her advantage. Her remarkable capacity for the double-entendre – she famously claimed to be ‘always on the job’, and once told a finance debate that she had ‘got a really red-hot figure’ (p. 161) – provided ample scope for a form of sexual badinage that had never really suited Ted Heath. Her capacity to switch between the flirtatious and the ferocious regularly disoriented opponents, both in Cabinet and in her dealings with the press.
with America but in the titanic struggle with Napoleonic France. While Americans celebrated the Battle of New Orleans as if the United States had won the War of 1812, the British hardly noticed it, as news of the battle coincided with Napoleon’s escape from Elba. The subsequent showdown with the French Emperor resulted in the Battle of Waterloo, which the British remember to this day as a defining moment for their nation. Victory over France is viewed as one of Great Britain’s greatest achievements, paving the way for Great Britain’s global dominance until the 20th century.(9) The War of 1812 does not make sense in this powerful historical master narrative. As a result, it is either ignored or described as an irritating diversion, forced on Britain by the United States, from the more important struggle on the Continent. Not surprisingly, British historians have never shown a keen interest in this conflict. In comparison to the European wars of the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the War of 1812 was relatively bloodless and short in duration. Fewer than 4,000 soldiers died in combat in North America between 1812 and 1815, while the wars against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France caused millions of deaths in Europe. It is for all these reasons that the War of 1812 usually plays little role in histories of Great Britain.(10)
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But for Bolick, this is no reason for big (earning) girls to cry: what the change in the marriage landscape means is that people are free to pursue relationships outside of the traditional norm. Women can marry younger men, and date across race. It makes marriage equality for members of the queer community more realistic and opens up options for all sorts of unconventional relationships. One unexplored consequence of the marginalization of men is that it might be having a far more equalizing effect on the culture. And Bolick has a room of her own, a place in the world apart from any relationship. She likes being single.
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The i-Pad screen appears, it shows some photos of genocide campaign. People in torn clothing trudge through the rain towards some mountains. An old lady holds a young man’s picture in a village house, and there is a black ribbon on the side of the young man’s picture. When the camera goes out, Sana appears; she shows Sam what she is working on .Sam looks upset and disappointed. He looks at Sana and watches her reaction to the images. Sana notices that Sam is
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The concern of this study is to explore the ways women language use reveals domination, dehumanization and superiority over others. In other words we are going to explore areas of women activities that are anti-sisterhood, anti-woman development, anti-women rights and anti-women equality. In addition, this study is a call to break the yoke of silence that has kept many women out of the objective realities of the true quest of feminism within the African context. African women writers have used their literatures to address the issues of self- expression, self- definition, self-discovery and as a liberating force towards African woman’s self actualization but it seems as if the African woman is very busy outside, that she tends to forget the inside. As noted by Kolawole (1997:6), African women have emerged from silence transcending the many limiting borders imposed on them by patriarchal traditional or
‘Ever since he took on the apprentice plumber, in the hope of building an empire and foregoing wood to realise his version of my dream, he’s, well, he’s not the man I married. You’d think a carpenter would be green’ and rushes back out ‘rather than misunderstand how plastic can ... the tash’ she says, ‘start with the tash. I’ve got to go. It’s too much effort imagining a better life for you, just one person out of seven billion, who won’t accept my imaginings. I’m going to be a councillor first, then an MP. It will take five years to make a difference. Bye’. You should have seen the look on his face!
The Rawyards principle does seem to me to state a generally correct understanding of how damages should be awarded in torts, or rather it states a first approximation of such an understanding, for there are exceptions. What is the basis for saying this? I am by no means satisfied with my answer, and I wish I had a better one. The only justification that I can offer takes roughly the following form. An award of compensatory damages is, in the first instance, supposed to make good the historical harm that one party has caused another. But such an award is obviously not intended literally to roll back the past. Given that impossibility, there are a number of factors that are appropriately taken into account in quantifying damages in monetary terms. One of these is what we might call “net-worseoffness,” which is the difference, as ascertained by a counterfactual inquiry, between the plaintiff’s current circumstances and the circumstances he or she would have been in had the wrong not occurred. Given that B’s house would have burned down anyway, so that even though A has caused B harm he has not actually left her worse off, it is a reasonable view of what justice requires between the parties to say that A does not have to pay for the house. Discounting for contingencies would be justified along similar lines. I emphasize that this is a substantive and contestable moral judgment, not a conceptual truth of any kind. It is also important to see that while net- worseoffness is a morally relevant factor in the quantification of damages, it is only one among others. Thus the Rawyards principle does not state a hard and fast rule. Out of an abundance of caution I should also emphasize that net-worseoffness is not, for the reasons that were given in Parts II and IV, an issue that arises in the determination of whether or not there has been harm. It is, rather, a factor to be taken into account in the assessment of damages.
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