Tibet, also known as “Roof of the world”, is a land replete with many myths, situated on the lofty Tibetan plateau. In the 19 th century Tibet became a part of the „Great Game‟ among big powers like USA, China, Russia and India. USA led a number of expeditions to Tibet as they feared that emerging communist power might extend its claws towards Tibet. And that is what exactly happened when China overpowered Tibet. Emerging with control over most of mainland, the People‟s Republic of China incorporated Tibet in 1950 and negotiated 17 point agreement with 14 th Dalai Lama‟s government. But when the Chinese force entered Tibet, they imposed taxes on everything including house, kettle, land and monasteries. Monasteries were vanished; monks and nuns were publicly harassed. As antithesis, by the end of 1955 uprisings had become common in Tibet. During the 1959 Tibetan rebellion, the Dalai Lama fled to India and established a government-in-exile at Dharamsala. Since then, the Dalai Lama has been cherishing and upholding the Tibetan Cause in front of the World Audience.
The sedentarisation process has intensified significantly after the implementation of the Opening of the west development strategy (Du2006). So far, construction of settle- ments is part of various programs administered by different governmental institutions. The major resettlement goals stated are environmental protection of degraded grass- land, on one hand, and improvement of the socio-economical situation of Tibetan pas- toralist households on the other hand. Furthermore, the relocation of nomads into urban settlements aids in the political control of the Tibetan plateau a . The worsening of the grassland and at least on a statistical basis, the low income of the nomads are facts and at least in theory some of the governmental programs seem to be beneficial in solving these issues. Nevertheless, the implementation of these programs often does not pay enough attention to the subjects who are affected by the changes, namely to the Tibetan nomads themselves. The hasty implementation makes the people change their lifestyle from one day to another, without having enough time to adapt to the new situation naturally. The lack of the nomads ’ experience with urban life might bring serious problems for the settlement communities and for the Central Govern- ment in the future.
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To examine the habitat use of the Tibetan Snowcock, we divided the entire monitoring period into consecu- tive 5-day segments. Then, as described by Mackenzie et al. (2002), we set up a Tibetan Snowcock detection matrix, which would meet the two assumptions of this model as outlined in the introduction. Each element in the matrix represented one segment at one camera trap sampling site. We used 1 to represent that the Tibetan Snowcock was detected in this segment, used 0 to rep- resent no detection, and used NA to represent data miss- ing. Detection probability of the Tibetan Snowcock was assessed in relation to two detection covariates, and ten site covariates were considered to be potentially influ- ential for its habitat use (Table 1). The elevation, slope, and aspect data were recorded by the field staff. The EVI (enhanced vegetation index) data were acquired from the Geospatial Data Cloud of the Chinese Academy of Sci- ences (http://www.gsclo ud.cn). The administration of the Gongga Mountain National Nature Reserve provided the
Abstract. The Tibetan Plateau (TP) has the largest areas of permafrost terrain in the mid- and low-latitude regions of the world. Some permafrost distribution maps have been com- piled but, due to limited data sources, ambiguous criteria, inadequate validation, and deficiency of high-quality spa- tial data sets, there is high uncertainty in the mapping of the permafrost distribution on the TP. We generated a new permafrost map based on freezing and thawing indices from modified Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) land surface temperatures (LSTs) and validated this map using various ground-based data sets. The soil ther- mal properties of five soil types across the TP were esti- mated according to an empirical equation and soil prop- erties (moisture content and bulk density). The tempera- ture at the top of permafrost (TTOP) model was applied to simulate the permafrost distribution. Permafrost, season- ally frozen ground, and unfrozen ground covered areas of 1.06 × 10 6 km 2 (0.97–1.15 × 10 6 km 2 , 90 % confidence in- terval) (40 %), 1.46 × 10 6 (56 %), and 0.03 × 10 6 km 2 (1 %), respectively, excluding glaciers and lakes. Ground-based ob- servations of the permafrost distribution across the five in- vestigated regions (IRs, located in the transition zones of the permafrost and seasonally frozen ground) and three highway transects (across the entire permafrost regions from north to south) were used to validate the model. Validation results showed that the kappa coefficient varied from 0.38 to 0.78 with a mean of 0.57 for the five IRs and 0.62 to 0.74 with a mean of 0.68 within the three transects. Compared with earlier studies, the TTOP modelling results show greater ac- curacy. The results provide more detailed information on the
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Tibetan literature and its script are being studiedin the wide ranges of the Indian Himalaya in spite of having different dialects. Within Tibet itself, the Tibetan language has different dialects i.e. Amdo, Kham and Utsang from which Utsang dialect is generally spoken. The written language does not change, but the pronunciation varies from region to region.There are several forms of writing style in Tibetan but Uchen (Printed one) and Umend (Cursive) are the most relevant and useful Tibetan writing styles. Tibetansand Himalayan people have preserved Buddha‟s canonical texts (110 volumes) written in elements like gold, silver, turquoise, coral, and pearl and many other commentaries written by Nalanda masters. Based on this, Tibetan and Himalayan people study the rich ancient Indian education even today, which has itsimpact on their way of life.
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This paper presents an identification framework for extracting Tibetan base noun phrase (NP). The framework includes two phases. In the first phase, Chinese base NPs are extracted from all Chinese sentences in the sentence aligned Chinese-Tibetan corpus using Stanford Chinese parser. In the second phase, the Tibetan translations of those Chinese NPs are identified using four different methods, that is, word alignment, iterative re-evaluation, dictionary and word alignment, and sequence intersection method. We implemented and tested these methods on Chinese-Tibetan sentence aligned unlabelled corpus without Tibetan POS tagger and Treebank. The experimental results demonstrate these methods can get satisfactory results, and the best performance with 0.5283 precision is got using sequence intersection identification method. The identification framework can also be extended to extract Tibetan verb phrase.
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129 It is here again that the various projects of the Tibetan GiE come into practice (Bernstorff and von Welck 2003a). The establishment of the Tibetan Children’s Villages (Pema 2003) and other educational institutions give a degree of control and centralisation to the education of Tibetans. This conforms to the relatively normal practice of states using education to normalise certain procedures and indoctrinate new generations into a nationalist project (Paasi 1998). Indeed, the GiE actively promotes the idea of a particular, bounded geographical notion of Tibet. The administrative boundaries of today’s Tibet Autonomous Region roughly conform to the Tibetan region of Ü-Tsang, the central region (or Cholka) of Tibet. The outer regions of Kham and Amdo, which each have their own distinct cultural practices, are subsumed within the Chinese provinces of Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan and Yunnan. However, in order to establish a pan-Tibetan identity in exile, Tibetans in exile are still assigned a home region to which they belong. Thus, while Tibet as the three regions did not exist as a functioning administrative entity due to the Lhasa government’s inability to extend its sovereignty much beyond Ü-Tsang, in exile this larger Tibet is held together through a series of administrative practices designed to maintain pan-Tibetan identity. The links to the governmentality of Foucault here are clear, with disparate Tibetans being sorted under a series of umbrella units in order that they can be categorised and ordered to suit the nationalist project. This practice of ‘sorting’ a population into its constituent parts is an effective overcoding of a population, and echoes the serialities of Anderson, where people become both Tibetan and Khampa or Amdowa depending on their place residence within Tibet. This continues with Tibetans born in exile, who are assigned the same category as their parents in order to continue this connection with the homeland. Thus, direct experience of living in Tibet is not a prerequisite of ‘Tibetanness’. Ethnicity and lineage become relatively more important in designating oneself as ‘exile’. However, these also give rise to racial and regional tensions persisting which existed in Tibet (for example, the perception that residents of Ü-Tsang felt superior to those from the other cholkas) through the Tibetan community (Kvaerne and Thargyal 1993).
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Usually, Group B haplotypes encode more activating KIR genes. In individuals with AA genotype, the alleles of KIR2DS4 can encode either functional (KIR2DS4-f) or non-functional (KIR2DS4-v) variants [9, 10]. KIR2DS4- v alleles differ from the KIR2DS4-f alleles in that the former have a 22-bp deletion in exon 5, which leads to a frame shift mutation and produces a premature stop codon, preventing the formation of a functional mem- brane-bound receptor domain . Therefore, individu- als with AA genotypes which harbor KIR2DS4-v alleles will not have a membrane-bound KIR2DS4 protein, but rather a soluble form of KIR2DS4. KIR2DS4-f and 2DS4-v frequencies vary amongst different populations. Increas- ing attention has been paid to the role of KIR genetic content and allelic variation on infectious diseases such as Hepatitis C and HIV, with some studies dedicating a specific focus on KIR 2DS4 [9–14]. KIR gene diversi- ties have been studied in many different geographical populations as previously reported [1, 9, 15–23]. There are 56 ethnic groups in China . Most of the studies on KIR gene diversity have been reported on Han popu- lations in China [18–21]. A large-scale survey on trans- fusion-transmitted HIV-1/2 infection among Chinese blood donors conducted by our institute showed that the positive rate for HIV infection was higher in some eth- nic minorities (including data accumulated at Urumqi Blood Center, Xinjiang) than Han majority donors . Expanding our understanding of the ethnic intermar- riage and possibly random demographic factors could help us to determine the variation of KIR gene frequen- cies, which might be useful for future research on eth- nicity-based diseases. Hence, in this study we chose the main minorities in Urumqi city of Northwest China, the Uyghur (comprised 10,069,346 persons , presented a typical mixture of Eastern and Western anthropomet- ric traits ) and Kazakh (comprised 1,462,588 per- sons ), and the Tibetan (the major ethnic minority in Tibet, comprised 6,282,000 persons ), mostly living in Lhasa city of Southwest China, as the research objects. (Additional file 1: Figure S1).
This course will examine the religions of Tibet (primarily Buddhism but also Bön) with a focus on their significance within Tibetan culture, society, and politics in Tibetan history from the time of Tibet’s Imperial Dynasty (7-9th centuries) to the present day. Topics the course will explore include Western imaginations of Tibet, Tibetan religious and political history, Sino-Tibetan conflicts, Tibetan religious and philosophical traditions, Tibetan autobiographical literature, Tibetan medical arts, death rituals, them status of women and nuns in Tibet, the Tibetan Diaspora, the post-Cultural Revolution revival of religion in Tibet, and contemporary restrictions imposed on Tibetan religious institutions and practices by the People’s Republic of China. Course materials include English translations of major Tibetan historical and religious texts, secondary source analyses of these materials, and Tibet-related films and documentaries.
In a 10-fold cross-validation of the Classi- cal Tibetan Gold Standard, this conversion to Wylie yields slightly better results. Global Accuracy was 95.0% for Tibetan Unicode vs. 96.5% for Wylie. We observed a major im- provement in Unknown Words in particular from 53.4% in the Tibetan Unicode to 62.2% in the Wylie transliteration. Since the results with the Wylie transliteration are slightly bet- ter, especially for unknown, out-of-vocabulary items, converting all Unicode Tibetan to Wylie transliteration would appear to be a logical way forward. However, in practice, Unicode Tibetan script is far more widely used within the Tibetan community. To make the cor- pus more accessible, but also to get support from members of this community who are will- ing to correct segmentation and any further type of linguistic annotation, a Unicode Ti- betan version is indispensable. It is there- fore important to develop segmenters, taggers and parsers that work well for both, or de- velop tools that can automatically convert the Tibetan text (but not any type of annota- tion also in roman script) back from its Wylie transliteration to Unicode Tibetan script.
About Tibetan web page download, we set the links of popular Tibetan portal sites as initial URL, the crawler according to the robots protocol to determine which page is accessible, which is prohibit access. The web page can be downloaded to the local through the download module of web page .URL extractor pick up the urls that not visited by system, and push these urls into the URL queue that ready to be accessed, while the system also need to maintain a visited URL queue to avoid repeat visit of the Tibetan page. As more and more crawling web pages, the maintained URL queue has been to become larger, the system will become more and more slow. In order to solve this problem, the hash value of URL can be calculated by using the hash function  such as MD5, which can be used as an identifier of the visited URL, so that it can reduce the storage space. It can improve system performance that we can use the bloom filter  algorithm to solve the problem of whether the URL have accessed. In this system, the open source crawler uses Berkeley DB embedded database to store the URL, so as the memory overflow problem not appear , and the program can take the last unfinished tasks continue when again to work , solve the problem of restart work from the initial URL every time.
Evening work was usually completed by eight p.m., and everyone went inside to watch television. The preferred programs were on the Qinghai Tibetan-language Television (T: Mtsho sngon bod skad brnyan 'phrin), and included the news, Chinese television series dubbed into the Tibetan A mdo dialect, such as The Journey to the West (Ch: Xiyouji, T: nub phyogs su bskyod pa'i zin tho), The Plateau (Ch: Gaodi, T: mtho sa), and other shows ranging from costume dramas (Ch: guzhuang ju) and city dramas (Ch: dushi ju) to programs about the Chinese Civil War and Tibetan-produced films. As the New Year drew near, and throughout the New Year period, the station re-aired previous Tibetan New Year variety shows similar to China Central Television's (CCTV) annual New Year's variety show (Ch: Chunjie wanhui) that has become a staple of Chinese television. These programs served to reproduce a particular image of Tibetan culture for viewers, emphasizing singing, dancing, and traditional clothing as important ethnic markers. Oftentimes, however, the television performers' clothing was radically different from what local Tibetans actually wore. Dancing of any sort – often portrayed as pan- Tibetan (Morcom 2007) – was not part of Stong skor villagers' traditional folk practice.
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Abstract—An online handwriting Tibetan character recognition scheme of syllable-base association is proposed in the paper. First basic characteristics of the Tibetan language of letter, character, syllable and word are explained, and the different writing styles are introduced as well. At the some time, character’s characteristics as recognition unit in our study are analyzed. In the proposed syllable association scheme, not only recognition speed but also recognition veracity is separately improved after isolated character recognized in our online handwriting Tibetan character recognition system. The research show, if adopt effectual method to improve the recognition rate of isolated character, the method will bring into play a more efficiency.
research conducted in the 1970 in Tsum (northern Nepal) and with Tibetan refugees in India. They point to the distinction between the laity’s Buddhism (W. ‘jigs rten pa’i chos – sponsor’s path) and clergy’s Buddhism (W. chos-pa’i chos – religious practitioner’s path) and to the insistence, in the former, on the need to learn karmic ethics, i.e. how to tell virtue (dge ba) from sin (sdig pa) (Lichter and Epstein 1983:224). Karma is said to be the “most general overarching systems of ethical causation”, “something like a general law” (ibid). It is said to produce happiness from good actions and unhappiness from bad ones (Lichter and Epstein 1983:232). The Tibetan term for karma is la (W. las) or la-kyu-dra (W. las rgyu ‘bras). The former term means action, deed and work, and by extension also: result, fruit, merit and karma. The longer expression incorporates two other words – kyu (W. rgyu) – cause or seed and (W.‘bras) – result, outcome or fruit. In *Chapter 2 I discussed the notion of rgyu as ‘seed’ in the Tibetan Buddhist conceptualisation of knowledge and learning. In terms of karma seen as “hypothetical story with a moral” (Lichter and Epstein 1983:232), the actions that are karmically significant are either beneficial - leading to happiness (glossed by them as “virtues”, Tib. dge ba) or detrimental – leading to unhappiness (“sins”, Tib. sdig pa). As Lichter and Epstein rightfully note, a catalogue of beneficial acts includes abstaining from sin but also many diverse “formalities”, i.e. “counting beads, circumambulation of holy sites, prostrations, spinning prayer wheels, erecting prayer flags, obtaining blessings, muttering prayers and sacred formulae, sponsoring ceremonies, dispensing charity and alms, and venerating Buddha, Dharma, and Samgha” (ibid). These, in addition to abstaining from sinful actions, are needed to counterbalance the innumerable unavoidable and unintentional sins committed during everyday existence, e.g. destruction of life in soil cultivation, suffering of domestic animals, the suffering caused by production and transport of goods and people.
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Through analysis of the original corpus, we firstly use the cluster method to separate the Tibetan corpus into different categories, and then extract each category’s language-related characters and language-unrelated characters. For each language-related characters, we extract their own key word. Using Google API to find Chinese categories matching Tibetan categories. Finally we use multi- feature model to build the Tibetan-Chinese comparable corpus.
Abstract — I n recent years, Minority languages in China are widely used on the computer and network. But now there is no effective public opinion analysis system of the minorities overall attitude of the masses of the hot events or topics. In this study, we research on Tibetan topic orientation recognition. First, according to the Tibetan context and life characteristics, combined with a set of emotional words in Hownet, the Tibetan emotional word dictionary is built, and then by the Tibetan word semantic similarity calculation method we extend this dictionary to get rich emotional word set. We also propose a method that the sentence orientation is determined by the orientation of words in this sentence and the orientation of text is determined by the orientation of sentences in this text. By our research the Tibetan hotspot information can be rapidly detected and found and then the public opinion tend can be track quickly. It is benefit for positive guidance of public opinion.
However, in its dialogue with the Dalai Lama, even Hu Yaobang had taken a stance that was unacceptable to Dharamsala. During a meeting with Gyalo Dhondup, Hu presented a five-point agenda for negotiations, which essentially treated the ‘Tibet Question’ as one between Beijing and the Dalai Lama’s personal future and denied the existence of any other issues beyond that. The main points of his proposal were that the Dalai Lama had to recognise that China ‘has entered a new stage of long-term political stability, steady economic growth and’ and unity among the nationalities; the Dalai Lama and his representatives should be ‘frank and sincere’ and stop ‘quibbling over the events in 1959; the Dalai Lama was welcome to return and would be reinstated to the same political status and privileges that he enjoyed in the 1950s, but he would have to live in Beijing and not hold any posts in Tibet. 157 This proposal had no space for the Tibetan aspirations for greater political autonomy or the unification of all Tibetan areas, let alone one that rejected the supremacy of the Communist Party. Dharamsala rejected Hu’s proposal as trying to reduce the issue of 6 million Tibetans to one concerning the personal status of the Dalai Lama. In 1982, another exile delegation was dispatched ‘to tackle the real business.’ The delegation proposed the unification of all Tibetan regions into a single administrative region which should be given the same status that Beijing was offering to Taiwan and Hong Kong, namely ‘One Country, Two System’. 158 Beijing immediately rejected this proposal, arguing that unlike Taiwan and Hong Kong, Tibet had already been liberated and enjoyed socialism, and that Hu’s five-point proposal was the only basis for negotiations. Officially, Beijing has consistently maintained this position ever since, even as Dharamsala packaged its two central demands differently
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After two decades of studying depression and its relationship to empathy based guilt associated with pathogenic cognitions, empathic distress, and both compassionate and pathological altruism, we became interested in examining the experience of Tibetan Buddhists who appear to be resilient and less vulner- able to depression and PTSD. After suffering serious trauma in Tibet, including imprisonment and torture, followed by a stressful escape over the Himalaya, often on foot, and immigra- tion to Nepal and/or India, the Tibetan Buddhists seem to arrive in their new country with minimal symptoms of depression or PTSD. Prior studies have indicated that refugees who have escaped countries where they were imprisoned and/or tortured were likely to exhibit high rates of Post Traumatic Stress Dis- order (PTSD) and depression (Mollica et al., 2001; Hollifield et al., 2002). In addition, it has been suggested by cross-cultural experts that immigration itself is strongly associated with epi- sodes of major depressive disorders (Breslau et al., 2011). There- fore, clearly there may be something different about the prac- tice of Tibetan Buddhism, explaining this contrast.
Abstract: Background: This research presents the use of photoplethsmography combined with Traditional Tibetan Pulse reading for the estimation of the three energies of a person: Activity, Transformation and Stability. The growing interest to revive traditional finger pulse reading attests of the need to find alternative ways to approach complex multi-source diseases as well as individualised diagnostic wearable or portable cost effective systems. Method: Our work is presented in two studies. The first study presents the development of the technique of photoplethsmography to classify the three energies. The second study presents a validation of this methodology on mental stress and relaxation. Results: Energies classification achieved a sensitivity above 85% and specificity above 72%. Mental stress and relaxation could be significantly discriminated from baseline condition. Harmonic analysis gave further insights into the dynamic of the pulse wave under stress/relaxation. Conclusion: The photoplethsmogram contains information pertaining to the mental and physiological state of a person as interpreted with the Eastern energies concepts. The implication of this work points towards a holistic understanding and impact of human activities, health and its environment.
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And yet, for all her activities as a solitary religious specialist travel- ing widely, meditating in caves, leading rituals, and bestowing bless- ings on devotees, her account of her life accentuates key relationships with others that have made her position as an autonomous religious specialist possible, such as her family connections to both local politi- cal offices and religious institutions, her close connection to her guru Khenpo Muensel, her important but challenging relationship with Tulku Jigga, and most recently her productive partnership with Tulku Rangrig Dorje, to name just a few. It is also important to note that many of these relationships took place in environments charged with strong religious and cultural significance, making these sacred sites more than backdrops for the human dramas unfolding on their ter- rains, and, in Khandro Rinpoche’s case, integral parts of her formation as a khandroma. In particular, during the decade she spent at Sera Monastery, people began perceiving her as an incarnation of another khandroma who lived for many years at Sera Monastery, Sera Khandro. This association helped make sense of her position as Tulku Jigga’s consort at the time and continues to augment her stature as a khandroma today. At Vairotsana Cave, Khandro Rinpoche’s objectives to rebuild monastic Buddhism were reinforced by the cave’s ties to imperial Tibetan personages involved in the early proliferation of Buddhism in Tibet, such as Vairotsana and Lhalung Pelkyi Dorje, whose physical presences live on in the cave’s sacred architecture. Proximity to the contours of Vairotsana’s body imprinted in the cave wall and the stupa honouring Lhalung Pelkyi Dorje not only inspires Khandro Rinpoche and Chogtul Rangrig Dorje to continue their work, but provides a culturally intelligible mold for others, importantly Khandro Rinpoche’s biographer Pema Oesel Taye, to tell their story of propagating Tibetan Buddhism.
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