Abstract: In experiencing the world, globally, via satellites and sensors, how do artists respond to this techno trans-national environment? Collaboration in this new environment for art is a key aspect of such techno-connectivity. Techno trans-nationalism is expressed in every lag, pixilation, layering of software within communication technologies and its tools; tools that can be used for collaborative, creative and performative art practice. Here one must account, also for human distraction, delayed response and miscommunication. Such disjointed elements can also become incorporated into the technology as human ingenuity. This paper addresses the implementation of and opportunities regarding issues of distribution and the effect this can have on internet art practice.
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(Devine, 1999: 592-97). The effects of this restructuring and of neo-liberal policies in general were felt throughout Britain, in all of its constituent parts. However, it was the structure of the UK state, and Scotland’s autonomous position within it, that allowed discontent to be expressed in nationalist form, as a partial or total retreat from the British state. The years of economic restructuring also exacerbated the “North-South divide” in England, and the idea of a devolved assembly in the North-East was raised, as this region was, like Scotland, dependent on ship building and mining and was similarly effected. However, Scotland’s long experience of autonomy from Westminster was far more pronounced than that of Wales or the English regions, and permitted discontent to feed into Scotland’s pre-existing national consciousness. Guaranteeing this autonomy by establishing a Scottish assembly or through complete separation appeared to many as the solution to Scotland’s political and economic plight. Scottish nationalism was articulated as the defence of Scottish institutions of public life, that would in turn protect Scotland’s autonomy and thereby “Scottish culture”. In 1988, a Claim o f Right was issued, calling for the establishment of a Scottish assembly. The authors of the Claim of Right argued that ‘Either we advance to an Assembly, or we retreat to the point at which Scottish institutions are an empty shell and Scottish government is, in practice, indistinguishable from any other English region’ (Constitutional Steering Group, 1988: 3). In the same year the separatist Scottish National Party promised to ‘restore the Scottish dimension in politics, to restore Scottish influence in politics and to begin the drive towards independence’ (Scottish National Party, 1988: Introduction). Calls for constitutional reform became bound up with various types of Scottish nationalism, all of which aimed at some re-negotiation of Scotland’s relationship to the British state.
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Focussing on Arab and State identities rather than the other tribal, city, family and religious layers of identity in Syria and Jordan stems from this being a study of nationalism in the Middle East. Though tribal, city and family identities are important and strongly felt they are not even proto-national identities. Using Ozkirmili’s discourse typology, whilst they might contain aspects of spatial, temporal, symbolic and everyday dimensions, none employ all four combined. Similarly, though religion is a very strongly felt identity in the Arab world, can it be considered nationalism? Whilst this is a discussion that has aroused much debate amongst scholars, notably the potential of Islam to offer a rival to the nation, religion too fails to conform to Ozkirmili’s typology. The two dominant religions in the Arab world, Islam and Christianity are both proselytising faiths meaning that the spatial dimension of their discourse is theoretically continually open to fluctuation. Whilst they do contain a temporal, symbolic and everyday dimension, the ambiguity of fixed territory distinguishes these religious faiths from nations. Indeed, the fact that in Syria and Jordan, several faiths share the same territory emphasises this incongruity between religion and territory. Admittedly, in recent years Islamists have been more vocal about the concept of a core ‘Islamic’ territory, such as Osama Bin Laden’s assertion that the Arabian peninsula should not house non-Muslims.203 However, rather than this representing Islam’s shift from a religion into a nationalism, it instead suggests certain groups using Islam to assert nationalist goals. The importance of territory to Islamists such as Hezbollah and Hamas suggests these groups are nationalists not religious universalists.204 Whilst some Islamists have challenged both wataniyya and Arabism in the past, they have either been rhetorically universalists and hence not nationalists, or rhetorically state- focused and hence simply favouring religious wataniyya. Whilst Islam informs the discourse in Syria and Jordan it is not, therefore, nationalism. Arabism and wataniyya therefore represent the only two potential national discourses in Syria and Jordan and thus an analysis of nationalism in these countries should focus primarily on these two discourses.205 Indeed, the analysis of these discourse will help to demonstrate that Arabism is no longer a nationalism but a supra-nationalism.
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sense of solidarity can be carried out. This fact is also shown from the results of research conducted by Harjianto  which revealed that a person's involvement in scouting activities had a significant effect on nationalism. The fifth factor which gives a big influence on the condition of individual nationalism is the education of parents. Parental education provides an influence with a loading factor of 0.730. This means that the higher the level of parental education the greater the effect on the nationalism of a child. The influence of parental education on many aspects of life empirically has been proven through research. For example, the results of research conducted by Davis-Kean , Shoukat, et al.  and Zulfitria  provide evidence that parental education has a significant influence on children's learning and performance. Even according to Shoukat, et al. , globally the education of parents can be an instrument to improve children's academic performance. The sixth of the 7 factors tested that had a considerable influence on one's nationalism was the work of parents. The work of parents has an influence -0,573. This means that any unpopular work undertaken by a parent will have a considerable influence on building children's nationalism. How the influence of parents' work on children is also shown by the results of research conducted by Shah et al. , Viola & Daniel , and OECED . The three studies illustrate that the work of parents has a significant effect on children's performance in school, especially in the fields of mathematics and children's careers. According to Shah et al.  that is because parents with good jobs and income will provide good facilities and have an impact on children's performance. The last factor influencing one's nationalism is involvement
the obligations related to minority rights protection. In the case of Bosnia- Herzegovina 65 , the Committee was not satisfied that the will of the peoples within the republic had been assessed, and the opinion implied that an independent Bosnia-Herzegovina could not satisfy the aspirations or guarantee the protection of ethnic Serbs, noting the recent (un-monitored) plebiscite for independence held by Bosnian Serbs. With respect to Croatia, Opinion 5 notes similar concerns about the constitutional protections for ethnic minorities within its borders and indicated that Croatia was in need of supplementing its proposed constitution accordingly. Of the republics requesting recognition under the guidelines, only Slovenia and Macedonia were judged to have met fully the criteria for recognition in the guidelines, and the Committee was clearly impressed by and took pains to highlight the specificity and encyclopaedic nature of the minority rights protections promised by these two aspiring states. Given this, it is ironic that the EC elected to follow the German lead and recognize Croatia and, within a month, Bosnia-Herzegovina as well, while not recognizing Macedonia for a few years. 66 While the ‘early’ recognition of the more ethnically homogenous and virtually conflict-free Slovenia is more understandable, especially given that it was a situation in which the norms of uti possidetis juris and self-determination could be conjoined, the actions of the EC and the host of other states who followed them failed to provide either clarity or consistency to the application of the right of self-determination and the responses to emerging nationalism. An opportunity to establish workable and coherent norms was pursued and, as the Badinter Opinions indicate, the EC came close to producing normative mechanisms and approaches to the conflict that include many of the key components outlined in Part I, but the opportunity was squandered and the actual responses spoke more of the divisions within and between the ‘new Europe’ and the international community than about normative cohesion.
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Methodologically, this study demonstrates that visual discourse both generates and responds to textual discourse in participatory media spaces, where remediated visual images and memes become self-generating discursive tools. The link between these tools and racist nationalism on r/ImGoingToHellForThis demonstrates that these tools can be articulated to a variety of political and ideological agendas and that they can function to cloak those agendas. This study thus demonstrates that studying participatory media requires not only theorizing its structures and grammars but also examining the circulation and active remediation of image and text as they shape and respond to key discursive moments. Therefore, I focus on the remediation of the photograph of Alan Kurdi and the discourse it generated over the course of 1 week on a subreddit with more than 500,000 subscribers by coding 216 posts and 1424 comments. This coding revealed that anti-politically correct visual humor operates as a cloak concealing racist nationalism on r/ImGoingToHellForThis. Cloaks conceal, but they are themselves highly visible. Building on Daniels’ (2009) research into websites that discretely cloak their true purpose, I suggest that the existence of cloaks is often quite obvious, but that the contours of the practices they conceal—and the political agendas into which those practices consolidate—require analytical attention.
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Disadvantages of Monotheism for a Universal State’ (3) as to why the Empire never turned to some kind of federal structure. According to Hirschi, the decisive developments of this new discourse of the multipolarity of nationality that ‘gave rise to Europe’s unique inner dynamic, both politically and culturally’ (p. 44) were the consolidation of the previously fragmented territorial legacy of the Roman empire into competing, multipolar territorial structures beginning with the aftermath of Charlemagne’s reign, subsequently abetted by the reception of Roman law as a vehicle for patriotism (here, Hirschi, in chapter four, ‘Killing and dying for love: the common fatherland’, rightly draws upon Kantorowicz’s analysis of the development of the conception of pro patria mori); the realization or simulation of that patriotism at the Council of Constance (1414–18) such that one finds ‘a national competition or honor’ (pp.15, 81–8), as presented by Hirschi in chapter five, ‘Competing for honor; the making of nations in medieval Europe’; and the further extension and deepening of that discourse by the humanist nationalism during the 15th through 17th centuries, one example of which was the discovery in the mid-1450s and subsequent exploitation of Tacitus’ Germania (pp.168–71).
ways of acting and feeling that are shared by the members of a community of historical culture.” (Smith, National Identity, 77) While discussing the tenets of nationalism, which are the most resilient, Anthony Smith talks about, “national symbols, customs and ceremonies”. (Smith, National Identity, 77). The national symbols stand for the basic idea and principle on the basis of which nations are created and they make them observable and distinct for all the members of the community. Highlighting the importance of nationalism, Smith says that it is a concept, which is truly ubiquitous. It is nation and nationalism which as a, “phenomena are truly global”. (Smith, National Identity, 143). Nation formation has its roots in historical collective life and modern nationalists fabricate nations through whatever they can retrieve from the bits and pieces of the past. Ethnicity, thus also keeps on evolving but nowhere does it become a complete fiction.
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Recognising this expansive ideological map accordingly prevents the convenient attribution of the current malaise to an allegedly vulgar, largely emotive rump of fear and bigotry. Instead, any attempt to resist nationalism must first involve properly addressing its sophisticated affinity to multiple ideological forms, some of which we mistakenly consider to be inured from such trends. I am not in a position here to sketch further how these multiple ideological vocabularies all inform the deep nationalist cry being sounded across the west. But, importantly, I am not simply arguing that all political repertoires are capable of racism: that is, the left too can be racist or the liberal too can be nationalist. That is already very well understood and I have no wish to rehearse such truths. Rather, I am merely positing that nationalism, in order to become ideologically over- determined, requires all these various repertoires. And part of the resistance to this nationalist wave, as much as it involves a critique of the economic conditions that render populist-nationalisms more likely, is also about clawing away at these ideological contradictions that comprise European nationalisms.
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colonised. This was a position Gandhi had articulated in Hind Swaraj as early as 1909. But, on the basis that the ultimate truth was in essence love, cooperation and harmony, Tagore held that overcoming the colonial situation should not be attempted by any method other than a self-referential renaissance that did not make petition or resistance to the colonial power its means, nor the imitation of Western political forms its end. Tagore refused the simple binaries of modernity and tradition, imperialism and nationalism that we continue to rely upon for our intellectual shorthand. I have a good deal of sympathy for Gandhi‟s position throughout his exchanges with Tagore, but surely it is a diminution of our understanding if we lose sight of the historical context in which Gandhi worked out his ideas on non-cooperation and swaraj. This was a dialogic ideational context of which Tagore – almost entirely overlooked by commentators on Gandhi‟s political thought – was a very important part. In this sense recovering Tagore can also help us to better understand Gandhi. It is in this sense that we are reminded that a fuller picture of the intellectual history of any historical period requires actors and ideas to be situated within a wider framework.
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After his release from the Alipore Conspiracy case Aurobindo sneaked away from the mainland firstly to Chandranagar and than to Pondicherry, the then French colonies, and got himself absorbed in mediation. But it was not escapism because for Aurobindo nationalism is Sanatana Dharma and therefore, nationalism as a religious process of spiritual self-realisation and dynamic fulfillment of the nation does require Sadhana and Jnana. Moreover, one finds that even when Aurobindo was in the thick of politics he was practicing yoga and he experienced no opposition for his political activities. Instead claims had made at that time that his yogic powers were supplementing the cause of political liberation because they generated the super human qualities of forbearance, selfless service, total sacrifice and other virtues of life so vital for national liberation. Hence, he got himself submerged into the Ocean of spirituality by renouncing the worled with a view to generate superhuman qualities all around amonst countrymen so that they might be successful in achieving political liberation from the British subjugation. Furthermore, Aurobindo‟[s letter to Joseph Bapista in 1920 explains that he had always placed a dominant stress on the spiritual dimension of life but that this emphasis was in no way intended to suggest withdrawal, contempt or disgust for secular life, and that all human activity was to be included in a complete spiritual life. 38
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However, it was universal values on which the Asianism in the movement was based, not something distinctively Asian which could serve as a differentiating marker between the West and Asia. Moreover, it was exclusively a political movement and there was no reference to historical or cultural elements in its advocacy of an Asian alliance. This suggests that the aim of Asianism in the movement was solely political and there was no indication of any sense of an Asian identity based on the notion of a distinctive Asian cultural community in the movement. Rather, their Asianism operated within the Social-Darwinist, Western-centred logic of civilisation which viewed the history of humanity as a linear progression from barbarism to civilisation and which placed the West at the highest stage of civilisation. That is to say, what these Asianists desired was to civilise Asia in Western ways in order to bring Asian people liberty and justice in the international community. The People’s Rights Movement dissolved after its main goals of the establishment of a national constitution and an elected assembly were realised and internal conflict shattered its unity. In consequence, the Asianism which developed within the movement lost its energy. This indicates the fragility of political nationalism and a pan-nationalism which are not backed up by cultural identities. It was toward the end of the 1880s that modern Japanese cultural nationalism became powerful and the concept of Japan as an ethnic nation became prominent. An important point is that this redefinition of Japan as an ethnic community, with its distinctive history and culture, was accompanied by the redefinition of Asia as a geocultural community to which Japan culturally belonged.25
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Under this policy, Germany aimed to surmount other world nations and to develop a colonial empire rivalling those of the other great European powers. The chief external enemies targetted by the nationalists were France and Great Britain, both of whom were rivals to the rise and greatness of Germany. Their neighbours to the east, the various Slavic nations, were derided as backward and racially inferior (Berger, 2004, 92-3). Colonial expansion and the development of a large scale naval programme would eventually lead Germany into conflict with the other powers, but such an aggressive foreign policy was intended in large part as a means to enhance unity, stability and solidarity on the domestic front. Chancellor Bülow overtly stated that his foreign policy of grand gestures was a political device, for ‘only a successful foreign pol icy can help to reconcile, pacify, rally unite.’ (Quoted in Mommsen, 1995, 151). Overall, Germany fits the pattern of the big states in their changing nationalism at the fin de siècle. It turned increasingly towards the rhetoric of internal and external enemies, as well as cultivating fear of these enemies and pride in German
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However, the main theme discussed here is much more complicated than it appears at first glance, having in mind that the definition of the concept of nationalism itself is so unclear (in a way) that sometimes one gets lost in it, and not to mention the more complicated ones. However, this concept is something that should be taken with great seriousness, and at least integrated into the life of every individual. Nowadays, in my personal life I have faced many situations and heard people talking about how the Albanians (Kosovo) have quickly lost their sense of nationalism and are forgetting the history of a few years ago. In this paper, I‟ve tried to show that being nationalist, provided that it does not convert to extremisms, is actually a good thing.
ABSTRACT. Classic theories of nationalism, whether modernist or ethnosymbolist, emphasise the role of elites and spread of a common imagined community from centre to periphery. Recent work across a range of disciplines challenges this account by stressing the role of horizontal, peer-to-peer, dynamics alongside top-down ﬂ ows. Complexity theory, which has recently been applied to the social sciences, expands our understand- ing of horizontal national dynamics. It draws together contemporary critiques, suggesting that researchers focus on the network properties of nations and nationalism. It stresses that order may emerge from chaos; hence, ‘ national ’ behaviour may appear without an imagined community. Treating nations like complex systems whose form emerges from below should focus research on four central aspects of complexity: emergence, feedback loops, tipping points and distributed knowledge, or ‘ the wisdom of crowds ’ . This illuminates how national identity can be reproduced by popular activities rather than the state; why nationalist ideas may gestate in small circles for long periods, then suddenly spread; why secession is often contagious; and why wide local variation in the content of national identity strengthens rather than weakens the nation's power to mobilise.
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While the conflicts between East and West Pakistan over economy and language were well known, the Awami Leaguers anti the secessionists were overtaken by the sudden outburst of a civil war, quick Indian involvement and the rapid collapse of Pakistan military. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (also known as Mujib/Bangabhandhu) wanted maximum autonomy for East Pakistan under his celebrated six-point demands but there was no conclusive evidence that he desired a complete secession. However, General Yahya Khan's refusal to transfer power to the newly elected Awami League majority in the national legislature catapulted East Pakistan into a sudden anti terrible civil war. Consequently, the political landscape drastically changed in 1971 and neither the leaders nor the people had enough time to deliberate upon Bangladesh nationalism and delineate its roots anti future implications.
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Nationalism, in its most visible fiery form, appears to be displayed most strongly in Fiji and Hawaiʻi, whilst outward displays of this type of nationalism are relatively rare in the Cook Islands and Niue. Banal or everyday nationalism, however, seems ever- present in all four nations. In contrast to the extreme form of nationalism known as hot nationalism, everyday nationalism represents the taken-for-granted ways in which nationalism is integrated into our daily lives. In both Hawaiʻi and Fiji, the nations can be considered under threat, with a resulting need for building a national identity in response. In the case of Hawaii, the threat to the nation is in the form of continued U.S. occupation. For Fiji, it is a combination of a threat from internal division and outside interference from neighbouring countries. Fiji has had a particularly turbulent history with four coups since independence in 1970. Since the 2006 coup, the government has oriented itself towards building a unified Fiji free of outside influence. In both cases, traditional
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It is clear that he loved his family and was certainly proud of his son’s wit in the house. However, as Fanon suggested the sense of national consciousness and self-awareness through national liberation against the colonial rule, his concept of national consciousness was not essentialist or racist. On the contrary, it has an international notion like his concept of a “new humanism”, “Self-awareness does not mean closing doors on communication. Philosophy teaches us on the contrary that it is its guarantee. National consciousness, which is not nationalism, is alone capable of giving us an international dimension” (179).Likewise, Edward Said in his Culture and Imperialism, wrote from a similar perspective, citing Fanon as well. In any case nativism is not the only alternative. There is the possibility of a more generous and pluralistic vision of the world, in which imperialism courses on, but the opportunities for liberation are open. In this phase liberation, and not nationalist independence is the new alternative, liberation which by its very nature involves, in Fanon’s words, “ a transformation of social consciousness beyond national consciousness” (277-78)
Because I am focused on practices and texts that are oriented to the national community, I do not include in this chapter literature that relates to ‘official’ cultural nationalism, whose form and content is tightly controlled by the state. My reasoning is that it is often unclear in these instances whether they are oriented to the state or the nation. For example, the many ceremonies around the world that annually commemorate the founding of states tend to more closely fit the interpretation of the uses of culture I suggested could be found in the work of John Breuilly and the others mentioned in the opening paragraph. However, I do acknowledge that the distinction I have adopted here is a fuzzy one; even when cultural activities and texts are imposed by the state, the actors involved can find ways of inserting their own interpretation. Indeed, I am aware that the idea that there exists a class of state bureaucrats who are somehow inured against culture is surely in need of revision. Nevertheless, I make the distinction in the hopes that it will result in a more coherent chapter.
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Economic nationalism has thus remained a key influence on economic policy making in India, but the forms in which it is expressed have changed as a result of capitalist development. In a context such as India’s at independence, many different meanings could of course be attached to the expression capitalist development. It could simply mean the quantitative growth of the capitalist sector of the economy and its associated qualitative changes. However, in an underdeveloped economy with a significant non‐ capitalist segment, it could also signify the greater penetration of capitalist production relations into other spheres of the social economy or the elimination of economic backwardness through capitalist expansion. Capitalist development in these different senses need not proceed at the same pace. In India, the extent of such development after independence was limited whichever of these one may consider. It was however much greater in the growth sense than the others. India remains a Third World capitalist country but its capitalist class has advanced considerably. This changed rather than eliminated the nature of support the capitalist class needed from the state, which in turn has tended to intensify uneven development.
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