Transnational Networks

Top PDF Transnational Networks:

Transnational networks for the protection of human rights defenders

Transnational networks for the protection of human rights defenders

This is precisely where international NGOs' support is crucial for defenceless local activists. Through the channels of transnational networks, they can provide HRDs with all kinds of information and tools that will enhance their capacities. Not only can they offer financial and material support, and respond to cases of serious and imminent threats by for instance facilitating the relocation of HRDs at risk, but they can also help HRDs to better protect themselves. They can inform HRDs about the various protection mechanisms available at the regional and international level that they can resort to. They can also deliver trainings on how to better assess the risk, how to develop a security plan and how to use protection tools. This kind of preventive action tends to have a more direct and lasting impact on the effective protection of HRDs than advocacy work, which is often a matter of communicating about threats or violations that are already happening. In addition, empowering human rights defenders is a long-term investment in the promotion of human rights in general, since more secure HRDs will be more able to achieve meaningful progress within their respective contexts.
Show more

31 Read more

Multinational Corporations in Transnational Networks: Theoretical and Regulatory Challenges in Historical Perspective

Multinational Corporations in Transnational Networks: Theoretical and Regulatory Challenges in Historical Perspective

Gereffi et al. (2005) analyze global value chains and argue that technological innovations have enabled the creation of transnational networks, which combine, paradoxically, concentration and decentralization. Some re- fer to global production networks combining the dispersion of the value chain throughout the enterprise and across national borders, with a parallel process of integration of levels of participants in the network. Networks now surpass MNCs, and appear as the dominant form of emerging industrial re-organization, arising from the combined effects of FDI policies for promotion and attraction, generalization of the principle of competition, and, foremost, ICT developments. Some have suggested that the impacts of these new production networks af- fect the international division of labor, and some, such as Gereffi et al. (1995) articulate a theory of “world-sys- tems” based on the deployment of transnational flows of production and their effects on economic development. These networks create value based on the organization of the firms that compose them (their ability to organize work and make productivity gains while taking social and institutional contexts into account), on the exploita- tion of rent situations arising from monopolistic advantages (technological rents, organizational and relational rents from strategic alliances); and on cooperation, economies of scale, brand, policies and regulations at the na- tional, international and global levels.
Show more

10 Read more

Fragmented integration and transnational networks: a case study of Indian immigration to Italy and Spain

Fragmented integration and transnational networks: a case study of Indian immigration to Italy and Spain

As discussed, the discrimination faced by Indian immigrants in the labour market, housing, education institutes and the civil society, especially because of their language, religion, and physical aspects, negatively affects their level of integration into the host societies (also see Busetta et al. 2018). Similarly, the lengthy regularisation and natural- isation processes, degraded public education system and lengthy process of homologa- tion of professional degrees adversely affect their perceptions and satisfaction from the host countries and further discourage the efforts required for the building of a strong sense of attachment and belonging to the host countries. Additionally, it encourages them to move on to other countries, such as the USA, Canada or the UK. The English education for their children, better job opportunities, kinship networks, high social cap- ital and a better value attached to these countries in the diaspora are among the major pull factors that attract Indian immigrants to these countries. On this regard, most of our interviewees are waiting for the European passports to migrate to their desired des- tinations. The transnational networks provide them necessary information, resources and assistance for immigration to these countries, by reducing the costs. This possibil- ity to get settled in another more developed country decreases their interest in a suc- cessful integration process and a permanent settlement in Italy and Spain.
Show more

26 Read more

Transnational networks of insurgency and crime: explaining the spread of the revolutionary armed forces of Colombia beyond national borders

Transnational networks of insurgency and crime: explaining the spread of the revolutionary armed forces of Colombia beyond national borders

Three principles –secrecy, compartmentality and verticality– rule PC3 networks. Secrecy guarantees the existence of its members, giving them “protection towards the outside, making its location unknown to the enemy, but allowing their ideas and claims to be known” (FARC-EP, n.d.d, p.18). Compartmentality is an internal measure that contributes to the secrecy of the organization. “It is the fractioned truth, known to individuals only according to their participation in the conduction of their tasks.” (FARC-EP, n.d.d, p.18) Verticality explains the direction of the organization, its hierarchy. Processes follow a top-down logic, not a bottom-up initiative. “Different organisms are directed from the top to the bottom. They work separately from others, and only those responsible establish contacts with staff under their command and with their superiors.” (FARC-EP, n.d.d., p.19) In that sense PC3 networks are directed and do not follow an emergence logic that is typical of complexity. The PC3 is defined by the insurgents as the “most elevated expression of ideological, political and organizational unity of the working class and of all Colombian workers. It is the superior form of organization and its part of the vanguard of the revolutionary and insurrectional struggle for political power and the construction of socialism. (…) It is inspired by the revolutionary thought of El Libertador Simon Bolivar, [and his principles of] anti-imperialism, Latin American unity and people’s welfare.” (FARC-EP, n.d.e) It has also been defined as an “orthodox communist party, of clandestine and compartmented character. It is a pillar for FARC’s strategic plan and the urbanization of conflict.” 52
Show more

306 Read more

Uncovering the Transnational Networks, Organisational Techniques and State-Corporate Ties Behind Grand Corruption: Building an Investigative Methodology

Uncovering the Transnational Networks, Organisational Techniques and State-Corporate Ties Behind Grand Corruption: Building an Investigative Methodology

While grand corruption is a major global governance challenge, researchers notably lack a systematic methodology for conducting qualitative research into its complex forms. To address this lacuna, the following article sets out and applies the corruption investigative framework (CIF), a methodology designed to generate a systematic, transferable approach for grand corruption research. Its utility will be demonstrated employing a case study that centres on an Australian-led megaproject being built in Papua New Guinea’s capital city, Port Moresby. Unlike conventional analyses of corruption in Papua New Guinea, which emphasise its local characteristics and patrimonial qualities, application of CIF uncovered new empirical layers that centre on transnational state-corporate power, the ambiguity of civil society, and the structural inequalities that marginalise resistance movements. The important theoretical consequences of the findings and underpinning methodology are explored.
Show more

26 Read more

Exit from Exporting: Does Engagement in Transnational Networks Matter?

Exit from Exporting: Does Engagement in Transnational Networks Matter?

The results of these estimations indicate that belonging to GVC does not have a significant impact on the probability of ceasing export activity once other firm characteristics are controlled for. As for firm characteristics, size is important in continuing export activity: small firms show a higher exit rate. Firms with greater productivity are at a lower risk of losing their status as exporters. This is also true for firms with foreign ownership, more skilled labor and those with previous experience in export markets. Innovation, whether process or product, as well as firm age and outward FDI do not seem to have a significant impact on the probability of ceasing to export. As such, our initial hypothesis about the role of integration in international networks as a deterrent to exiting export markets does not seem to be confirmed, beyond the indirect effect through the differential characteristics shown by firms involved in networks.
Show more

20 Read more

European Institutions, Transnational Networks and National Same-sex Union Policy: When Soft Law Hits Harder

European Institutions, Transnational Networks and National Same-sex Union Policy: When Soft Law Hits Harder

The SSU case demonstrates that diffusely created soft law norms can have profound and transforming effects on European states’ policies. Scholars should not underestimate the power of European networks to ‘re-socialize’ domestic publics and elites. National policy structures and styles are not always as fixed as the dominant approaches in the Europeanization literature would imply. However, the homogenizing effect of the European SSU norm should not be exaggerated as the German and Austrian comparison illustrates. As in other Europeanization studies, the evidence presented here suggests that pressure for same-sex relationship recognition is filtered through domestic mediating factors. The filters emphasized in this study, party composition of ruling coalitions and European norm legitimacy, are not often highlighted in the literature. Their importance for explaining SSU outcomes may be related to the soft law nature of the norm. I suspect, however, that these factors also influence the implementation of more traditional and legally binding European laws and should be given greater consideration in the literature. As such my findings partially echo those of Falkner et al, whose study of EU social policy implementation also made note of the importance of parties in explaining outcomes (2005).
Show more

32 Read more

How do Transnational City Networks influence Policy-making in Megacities?

How do Transnational City Networks influence Policy-making in Megacities?

Page | 26 as many of these transnational networks now boost diverse memberships across the globe, it is therefore useful to include more cities cases in future researches. Also, as some of the chosen cities in this research act more as the influential members in the networks, it would be fair to look at cities located on the receiving end as well. In addition, cities of the Global South could be included to observe whether or how the varying degree of economic development might lead to differences in participation in networks. Besides, cities from similar geographical locations or climate conditions could also contribute to a meaningful comparison as they would probably face similar challenges in terms of environmental issues. Other factors such as various political systems could also be taken into account when a more diverse set of city cases are employed to evaluate the city-city networks relationships.
Show more

32 Read more

The relation between proximity and transnational learning in pan European networks : a case study on the URMA project

The relation between proximity and transnational learning in pan European networks : a case study on the URMA project

Learning across borders, also known as transnational learning, has become highly valuable to identify best practices of good governance. In the past years the emphasis has been laid on bringing together heterogeneous coalitions of partners from very different backgrounds in order to optimize the range of experiences that can be shared (Rodan & Galunic, 2004). In the literature, in the majority of the cases it is argued that the more proximity that exists between partners, the more they will interact and learn from each other (Boschma, 2005). Nevertheless, learning theory also shows that heterogeneity between partners can exemplify a substantive barrier to learning (Boschma, 2005). The European Union is likewise an institution that promotes and enables transnational learning by providing funding to member states through a broad range of programs and projects. The aim is to strengthen the competitive position of Europe in the global economy. A wide range of actors from different European countries collaborate in these projects to seek solutions for current and future challenges. Yet, the focus on transnational learning and gradually knowledge transfer linked to proximity is not taken into account in the scientific research on EU innovation networks and if so, only to a very limited degree. This thesis will explore to which extent learning in heterogeneous transnational networks is affected by the closeness of partners, hence described in this thesis as proximity between partners.
Show more

126 Read more

Transnational Social Movements

Transnational Social Movements

The literature in this section explores two major forms of social movement mobilization across national boundaries: transnational coalitions and transnational networks, the distinguishing features of which are introduced in Fox 2002. While Von Bülow 2011 is helpful for its analysis of the role of brokerage in transnational coalition formation, Vicari 2014 considers the role of the internet in transnational social movement networking. For a broad account of social movements in the “network society,” see Castells 2012. Keck and Sikkink 1997 is the landmark text introducing “transnational advocacy networks,” while Carpenter 2014 takes further understanding of the functioning of global issue networks. Pieck 2013 explores the tensions between social movements and international non-governmental organizations in transnational mobilization; for further recommended readings on international non-governmental organizations, see the separate Oxford Bibliography on these organizations. McAdam and Tarrow 2005 introduces the concept of “scale shift,” which bridges the literature on transnational mobilization with that on diffusion covered in the next section.
Show more

28 Read more

Under what circumstances and to what extent are transnational NGO networks

Under what circumstances and to what extent are transnational NGO networks

western democracies and the level of citizen and national NGO participating in INGOs on a per capita basis (see table 2). The first indicator roughly measures the willingness of policymakers (elites) to participate in the types of international regimes that are influenced most by transnational advocacy networks. The second indicator again roughly measures the extent to which citizens and national advocacy groups participate in transnational networks. Not surprisingly, what becomes very clear when looking at the tables is that European countries are much more integrated into transnational society, not just the human rights network, than is true of their North American counterparts. Indeed there is almost no variation among the European countries in terms of treaty ratification, in part because a lot of these decisions are now made at the EU level. There is some variation among the European countries in INGO membership levels but these differences do not seem to explain either why some countries have decided not to adopt SSU legislation or differences in choice of model.
Show more

38 Read more

Transnational philanthropy, policy transfer networks and the Open Society Institute

Transnational philanthropy, policy transfer networks and the Open Society Institute

Learning can lead to the development of ‘consensual knowledge’ by specialists and epistemic communities about the functioning of state and society. When consensual knowledge is developed at a transnational level, the potential exists for the exchange of ideas providing impetus for policy transfer. Learning in transnational networks helps promote an ‘international policy culture’ but it is not automatically the case that learning will institutionalize in national government policy or be put into practice at local levels. Learning is uneven and imperfect across different actors within a policy network, as well as highly differential in implementation. Political and bureaucratic interests are constrained by electoral considerations, issues of feasibility, funding shortfalls, war or famine; that is, factors that prevent ‘harder’ institutional forms of transfer. Certain actors may have a greater capacity for learning whereas others may adopt lessons for symbolic purposes or as a strategic device to secure political support or development assistance rather than as a result of reformed policy understanding. In short, there may be transfer of policy knowledge but not a transfer of policy practice. With regard to OSI, it would require extensive fieldwork with national foundations and interviews with staff to assess how open society values are imbibed and translated into practice, if at all, and the degree to which the OSI normative frame is, or is not, accepted within different communities of a country. Even so, learning is not restricted to the nation-state level. OSI itself is a ‘learning network’. Learning can also occur through its partnerships with other international organizations or non-state actors. Again, whether the OSI normative frame is accepted throughout the Network, or among staff of OSI offices, can be a case of tactical or instrumental learning (to secure a job or project funding), rather than a deep philosophical commitment. 3
Show more

40 Read more

The group of 20 transnational policy community : governance networks, policy analysis and think tanks

The group of 20 transnational policy community : governance networks, policy analysis and think tanks

(Australian) think tanks do provide a great deal of transparency and access. Yet, participation in their activities and networks is very much more limited, and usually by invitation. Just as the G20 was limited to relatively few members in order to facilitate the prospect for consensus and cooperation, so too highly restricted public participation in policy research via somewhat porous but mostly exclusive networks like C20, Think20 or B20 eases deliberation in the search for common policy ground. Whilst transnational networks and policy communities are forging new public policy spaces, the scope for ordinary members of the public to enter these spaces is stunted, particularly when combined with lack of awareness and political apathy.
Show more

31 Read more

Global public policy, transnational policy communities, and their networks

Global public policy, transnational policy communities, and their networks

Sometimes evaluation is contracted out to private sector experts and advisers. Unsolicited advice and evaluation comes from NGOs and social movements. The sheer volume of knowledge, expertise and advice cannot all be incorporated and potentially creates incoherence, conflict and gridlock. There is a need for translators and interpreters of analysis, and for ‘knowledge management’ systems. Such experts who edit and vouch the credibility of information and analysis acquire power and potentially become ‘gate keepers’ in determining what meets international standards and best practice. Rather than operating independently, they are often to be found in transnational networks of think tanks, consultants, university policy centres, professional bodies, and consultancy firms. In the weak institutional context of the global agora, these policy actors are arguably more influential in shaping the parameters of policy making, defining problems and specifying what constitutes ‘global public goods’ and selling their ‘expert evaluation’ services than they are within the confines of the nation-state.
Show more

37 Read more

Domestic and transnational advocacy networks in the Western Sahara pursuit of self-determination: the activism of Polisario Komitee and EUCOCO

Domestic and transnational advocacy networks in the Western Sahara pursuit of self-determination: the activism of Polisario Komitee and EUCOCO

The third chapter will address the transnational dimension of advocacy for the Western Sahara right to self-determination. Consequently, this chapter will deal with actors emerging from other spaces beyond The Netherlands. It will be guided by the literature on information, leverage and accountability politics, by Keck and Sikkink (1998), representing the forms in which transnational advocacy networks act. The forms of transnational collective action, based on the contribution of Khagram et al. (2002), will present the EUCOCO (European Coordinating Conference of Support to the Sahrawi People) as a transnational initiative, fulfilling concepts and tasks that differ from and complement the domestic dimension presented previously. Its activities will be linked to the impact of the transnational experience, concerning its role in influencing towards norm implementation through lobby, campaigns, and contact with parliamentarians. Regarding the information about EUCOCO origin and activities, primary sources were used (minutes and documents issued by the organization) as well as information gathered through interviews with Boris Fronteddu (Secretary of the Belgian Solidarity Committee with Western Sahara – Comité Belge de Soutien au Peuple Sahraoui) and Pierre Galand (President of the Belgian Solidarity Committee with Western Sahara – Comité Belge de Soutien au People Sahraoui – and President of EUCOCO).
Show more

67 Read more

Transnational advocacy networks in conflict transformation: Women, peace & security in Iraq via UNSCR 1325

Transnational advocacy networks in conflict transformation: Women, peace & security in Iraq via UNSCR 1325

For the purpose of this thesis it is important to gain a deeper understanding of the latter two tactics, namely leverage and accountability politics. Firstly, the ultimate goal of advocacy networks is ‘political effectiveness’, implying ‘some policy change by target actors such as governments…’ (Ibid., 30). To achieve such change often entails a power imbalance between activists and target actors. Therefore, local activists seek leverage across other network members in order to ‘influence state practices directly’, which can be of material or moral nature (Ibid., 30). Material leverage is tied to either ‘money, trade, or prestige’, whilst moral leverage is when ‘behaviour of target actors is held up to … international scrutiny’ and exposes that state practices are in contradiction of international obligations (Ibid., 31). Secondly, ‘networks devote considerable energy to convincing governments and other actors to publicly change their positions on issues’ (Ibid., 31), in order to use such commitments as mechanisms of accountability politics. This means that when a government has formally agreed to implement a policy, whilst not doing so in practice, networks emphasise that to seek for action. Accountability politics often involves the boomerang pattern, and is most prominent in the sphere of human (women) rights. An example is human rights networks in the former Soviet Union seeking for international protection by using the Helsinki Accords of 1975, to consequently spur change (Ibid., 32).
Show more

91 Read more

Transnational Family Networks and Ethnic Minority Business Development:

The Case of Vietnamese Nail-shops in the UK

Transnational Family Networks and Ethnic Minority Business Development: The Case of Vietnamese Nail-shops in the UK

Most employees worked on a part-time self-employed basis handing over a commission from their earnings to the nail-shop owner. This highly flexible employment arrangement was ideally suited to the growing pool of informal Vietnamese labour entering the UK as students, tourists, or by other means. Other studies have suggested that the availability of illegal migrant workers willing to accept lower wages and poorer working conditions than their legal counterparts offered firms working in certain marginal sectors ‘a lifeline for sheer survival’ (Jones et al, 2006 p134). Similarly, it was evident that the profitability of some Vietnamese nail-shops was dependent on this form of labour and that their transnational family links, in this case with their home country could provide relatively easy access to it. The limited regulation of employees and premises was a further factor. In response to several reports of dangerous practices a code of practice for the industry has been introduced by Habia (2007) but this has yet to be actively enforced. Those operating from properly licensed premises and complying with employment regulations complained that the huge rise in the number of illegal immigrants working in the sector, particularly the growing number working informally from tables in hairdressing salons, was driving down prices and forcing them out of business. Thus on the one hand family networks can provide a cheap source of labour, but on the other hand it can inhibit the introduction of new staff to the business that may bring with them new and possibly more innovative ideas and management practices.
Show more

17 Read more

Labor and Finance as Inevitably Transnational: Globalization Demands a Sophisticated and Transnational Lens

Labor and Finance as Inevitably Transnational: Globalization Demands a Sophisticated and Transnational Lens

The issue of protectionism is more complicated than a simple North- South standoff, and it has become apparent that races to the bottom are not simply a North-South problem. Jobs moved from Argentina to Brazil when Brazil changed its tax structure. Jobs are moving from Brazil to Indonesia in pursuit of lower wages. Soon, many jobs will move to China. As races to the bottom become problems for workers in the LDCs, it is becoming evident that a drive for minimal labor standards is not simply labor protectionism by the DCs, but a necessity of workers in both spheres for mutual survival. The spread of globalized production under current rules of trade and institutional arrangements is accompanied by, if not generating, a widening income gap between rich and poor in all countries. Therefore, unions in the DCs increasingly favor some sort of transnational protection for labor rights.
Show more

25 Read more

Networks of Transnational Tibetan Politics

Networks of Transnational Tibetan Politics

These statements continue to promote the idea that Tibet is a distinct nation. One of the Tibetan athletes wishing to compete for Tibet states “I want to proof [sic] Tibet as independent nation through sports” (ibid.). As a result, the production of Tibet in the run- up to the Olympics becomes easier to imagine as a process of unfolding potentialities. The Tibetan National Football team is obviously closely related to the series of ethno- symbolisms of Tibet itself, but by following the flow of ideas, knowledges, peoples and materials through space, the nation becomes less and less ‘bounded’ in the traditional sense. The Tibetan nation both rubs up against other nationalisms and constructs itself according to its needs – adopting football as a particular way to help create a set of practices that inform and construct boundaries – but the ‘nation as politics’ expands this arena of practice and relations still further. Rather than adopting and changing systems of representing the nation, the spaces of performing the nation shift ever outwards, with the nation becoming almost unsaid as practices of resistance to Chinese rule over Tibet emerge. In this particular case, it is here at this liminal space at the edges of what we could consider ‘the nation’ that human rights and talk of democracy become enfolded with the struggle for something like a Tibetan nation. Performing ‘Tibet’ is done not through an elite or a subaltern class who are attempting to impose their own standpoint on the rest of the nation. Instead, it is through this process of mixing and strategic political decision-making that the nation moves through space and can be stretched across the boundaries we typically associate with the nation – playing football in a foreign country, establishing ties with other ‘nations’ who share similar circumstances, combining the nation with other issues in order to widen and deepen one’s cause. These all represent different ways in which various networks that spread out from an event like the film screening at the ICA can be produced, enacted and maintained.
Show more

192 Read more

DEFINITION of TRANSNATIONAL AUDIT

DEFINITION of TRANSNATIONAL AUDIT

definition “transnational audit” unless their financial statements are or may be relied upon outside the home jurisdiction or they “attract particular attention because of their size, products or services provided”. However, the audits of many large government-owned entities would fall within the definition of “transnational audit” because of foreign borrowings. The fact that the audit of a government owned entity is classified as a transnational audit under either of the two criteria, does not mean that the audits of other entities owned by the same government automatically become transnational; each entity needs to be considered separately against the criteria.
Show more

5 Read more

Show all 10000 documents...