The Advantages of Using Sharia as an Election Issue 146

In both Cianjur and Bulukumba Perda Sharia, in its various manifestations, was

central to the political discourse and the election campaigns. However, the Sharia

issue is anomalous. According to Bush (2008b), Perda Sharia’s peak implementation

time was during 2003, having grown stronger since 1999. After 2003, support for

Perda Sharia experienced a dramatic downturn. According to Hosen Muhammad

(2010), a Commissioner of Komnas Perempuan (National Commission on Violence

Against Women), despite this decline in a number of the districts that had

implemented Perda Shariasince 2003, campaigns to implement Perda Sharia in other

districts continued. Approximately eight other regions proposed to implement Perda

Sharia during 2005-2008. Already existing Perda Sharia were neither annulled nor

revoked.

This research suggests that candidates used Shariasuccessfully to win election until

2005. However, since then, supporting Sharia has not guaranteed electoral success.

Sharia was one among several factors that determined electoral outcomes. One possible explanation may be that in the first years after Soeharto’s resignation and the monetary crisis, many people considered the established economic and political system had failed. Islam was considered to be an alternative to the failed system and a

solution to the crisis. Thus, Sharia’s popularity increased, especially among groups

seeking reform. The early years of reform were characterised by freedom of expression and organisation; many Islamic organisations repressed by Soeharto now had the opportunity to campaign for Sharia Islam. Although most of these

organisations and parties were established before Perda sharia became an issue, they

supported implementation of Sharia, including formalist Islamic Parties such as PPP,

PBB and PKS93, and formalist Islamic groups such as HTI (Hizbu Tahrir Indonesia-

Indonesian Liberation Party). I would argue that Sharia was more important as an

election issue when the Bupati was elected through the DPRD, prior to the

introduction of direct elections in 2005.

According to Bush (2008), since 2005 the importance of Perda Sharia as a political

issue had declined, and most of the candidates who used the issue of Sharia lost the

election. By 2005, Perda Sharia had been implemented in many districts; however,

communities had not always experienced the anticipated positive changes. In addition, substantial problems regarding corruption, free education, poverty and free health services remained unsolved. After 2005, the candidates who promised to solve these sorts of problems enjoyed more success. Some NGOs had campaigned against pro-Sharia candidates. Although it is difficult to quantify the impact of these campaigns, some of my informants, mostly from outside the district, came to oppose Sharia as a result of the NGO campaigns (focus group discussion, 21 April 2008).

93 _{In 2002 the PK (Prosperous Party) was re-named the PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Justice and Prospertity} Party).

However, in the case of the 2006 Cianjur election, the candidates, including the successful one, continued to use Sharia and Islamic morality as campaign issues.

Islamic Shariais not the only factor that determines a candidate’s success. However,

the issue did attract voter attention, and created both positive and negative controversy for candidates. In some cases, the Islamic Sharia issue was used successfully. Traditional and conservative Muslims tend to follow what their religious leaders say. Candidates were more successful if they were supported by religious

leaders. The ulama are influential figures in districts like Cianjur and Bulukumba,

where their knowledge and piety is respected by their many followers and students (santri). The relationship between kyai and their followers is that of patron-client.

However, recent research shows that the influence of the ulama and kyai has

decreased since they have become more politically involved (Molasy 2009). The candidates who supported Sharia also enjoyed support from hardline Islamist groups. In Cianjur and Bulukumba, GARIS and KPPSI, Islamist groups based outside the district, influenced electoral outcomes in elections held before 2005. The role of these groups is discussed in chapter four.

Conclusion

From the research in Cianjur and Bulukumba it can be concluded that Shariawas an

influential issue in Bupati elections in both the old and new election systems.

However, the Sharia issue was more influential and effective in Bulukumba and

Cianjur when the Bupati was elected by the district parliament, partly because

lobbying could be focused solely on the DPRD members and on a single issue. It also enabled organisations like GARIS and KPPSI to pressure, if not intimidate, DPRD

members. Further, this research also found that Shariawas used during campaigns in

the Bupati elections most successfully in the early years of reform. This was a time when many Islamic groups, restricted in their political activities during the Soeharto era, used the reformation era’s greater freedoms to advance their agendas.

Implementing Shariaduring 1999–2005 was very popular. Many people thought that

the political system had failed and were frustrated with Indonesia’s circumstances.

The move from DPRD-based to direct election of the Bupati influenced the politics of

Perda Sharia. I argue that this change significantly contributed to the use of Sharia in campaigns. During the 2005 direct election, Sharia had to compete with a range of other issues, including free education, health and corruption. Apart from that, candidates needed to mobilise support from broader sections of society and not just members of the DPRD and activist groups.

There was a difference between Cianjur and Bulukumba. Ideas about implementing Sharia in Bulukumba had a long history and pre-dated regional autonomy. In Cianjur, the issue of Sharia arose immediately prior to the first post-Soeharto election for

Bupati. This contrast suggests an ideological motivation for Sharia in Bulukumba,

rather than political interest. Patabai, the former Bupati in Bulukumba, had mounted a

protracted and consistent campaign in support of Sharia.

However, this analysis of the Bupati elections in Bulukumba and Cianjur suggests

that the use of sharia issues not always benefited the candidate unless Islamic groups gave their support, and when it reflected broader community aspirations. The

successful implementation of Perda Sharia resulted from good cooperation between

idealist and pragmatist groups. The idealists developed and articulated the idea of Sharia, and the pragmatists used their authority to implement it. Nevertheless, the implementation of sharia, whether it has been in a campaign for direct or indirect election, has become a contested issue for women’s security. Chapter 7 examines women’s security in greater depth.