The Changing Value of Valencian on the Local Linguistic Market

According to Bourdieu (1991), discourses and features of speech are evaluated and given a price on the linguistic market and certain features are awarded a higher value than others. Traditionally, minority languages have a lower price than majority languages due to their limited, local, utility. Thus, May (2004: 41) states that majority languages have instrumental value, whereas minority languages have sentimental value. The social utility of minority languages is usually restricted to local

markets; however, they may demand a higher value in such a context due to the authenticity, solidarity and attachment to place that they may evoke (Costa, 2015).

This study indicates that members of the Valencian identity take pride in belonging to this exclusive group as it is seen to symbolise an authentic local identity.

Woolard (2008b: 304) notes how a language can acquire authenticity through its attachment to a particular place or anonymity if it comes from nowhere. Thus, for some, Valencian, in particular local varieties, carries connotations of legitimacy and authenticity due to its local ties in a way that Castilian cannot. Equally, Valencian may index familiarity or social intimacy, whilst Castilian represents ‘just talk’ (Woolard, 2008b). For example, as previously mentioned, some respondents proudly stated they speak La Vila Joiosa Valencian or Sant Vicent del Raspeig Valencian rather than the standard variety taught at school. Conversations with habitual Valencian speakers also revealed the high value that they attach to the language since it is a means of performing emotional ties to their town, family, friends and ancestors (Pavlenko, 2006). Respondent C32 (female, forties, nurse) became emotional when discussing how Valencian is the language that she uses with family and friends and the language has great sentimental value. Respondent D16 (female, fifties, cleaner) made reference to her long association with Valencian and she expressed ownership of the language.

‘És la meua llengua des de vaig nàixer i sempre la he parlat, sempre. Entonces m’agrada, és el meu, els meus origens.’

(It’s been my language since I was born and I’ve always spoken it, always. So I like it, it’s mine, my origins.)

This perceived local value of a minority language again links to the concept of place.

Using Valencian implies that an individual is local and its use is also perceived as a means of articulating one’s attachment to the town.

Comments about the sentimental value of Valencian were not only made by habitual speakers of Valencian. Respondents, including those who are not habitual Valencian speakers, also expressed attachment to the language and the notion of

ownership, which again suggests the importance of language and place in perceptions of identity. This is reflected in Figures 30 and 31 when respondents were asked if they felt connected to Valencian. A close connection was expressed by those who answered in both languages, although this feeling was stronger amongst those who opted to complete the questionnaire in Valencian.

Figure 30: ‘I feel connected to Valencian’ according to respondents in Sant Vicent del Raspeig and La Vila Joiosa who answered the questionnaire in Valencian

Figure 31: ‘I feel connected to Valencian’ according to respondents in Sant Vicent del Raspeig and La Vila Joiosa who answered the questionnaire in Castilian

Completely agree, 26 Agree, 5

Completely agree Agree

Indifferent Disagree

Completely disagree

Completely agree, 3

Agree, 11 Indifferent, 2

Disagree, 6 Completely agree

Agree Indifferent Disagree

Completely disagree

Respondent C1 (female, thirties, administrator) is a habitual Castilian speaker who explained that she uses Valencian no more than once a year. Yet, she answered

‘completely agree’ in response to the question and made reference to the historical value of Valencian and its link to the local area. Despite being a habitual Castilian speaker, her comments also suggest ownership of the language.

‘Porque fue una parte de nuestra historia porque desde siempre ha estado.

Es una cosa nuestra.’

(It was part of our history because it has always been here. It is ours.)

Respondent C6 (male, thirties, teacher and translator), who was raised as a Castilian speaker but later adopted Valencian as his habitual language, also referenced historical and territorial links to Valencian.

‘És la nostra llengua des de fa molts segles.’

(It has been our language for centuries.)

Such remarks suggest that Valencian has a high sentimental value amongst speakers and non-speakers of the language. The language evokes symbolic ties to the local area, its history, culture and ancestors. Several comments implied ownership of the language and the idea that inhabitants and Valencian are connected due to their shared attachment to ‘place’. References to the significance of language, history, and territory, also correspond to three of the five clusters of emotional arguments identified by Guibernau (2004: 30) that contribute to the construction of Catalan identity and the five symbolic complexes shared by an ethnic group listed by Tullio-Altan (1995: 19-32). These clusters are easily transferable to the Valencian context and help to understand why Valencian has a symbolic value of unity for speakers and non-speakers alike. Valencian is not simply a communication tool but also a means of articulating a local identity. Equally, it fulfils a symbolic function by linking present day Valencians to their ancestors who lived on the same land and spoke the language.

Following the implementation of language legislation in the 1980s, Spain’s regional languages appear to be increasingly afforded instrumental value, in addition

to the sentimental value traditionally associated with these languages. As Valencian’s value on the local linguistic market evolves, so do attitudes towards the language and questionnaire responses indicate that the acquisition of instrumental value contributes to diverse language beliefs. Respondent D6 (male, twenties, unemployed) is studying Valencian and considers that it may be useful for future work opportunities. He moved to La Vila Joiosa five years ago after living in Italy, and is a habitual speaker of Spanish (his parents are Argentinian) and Italian.

‘Una tercera lengua, sí, cuando aprende una lengua se acuerda y si un día entras para un trabajo o algo, es un puntito más que puedes aportar.’

(A third language, yes, when you learn a language you remember, and if one day you go for a job or something, it is an additional merit to your name.)

Whilst knowledge of Valencian is not a duty as it is in Catalonia (see chapter three), the language is viewed as advantageous in some employment sectors, and as noted earlier, this fact was acknowledged by some respondents who were sixth form students and felt that their knowledge of Valencian could be useful in the future.

Respondents C12 (female, thirties, maths tutor) and C13 (male, forties, archaeologist) are studying Valencian after being obliged to achieve a formal qualification in the language for their existing jobs. Respondent C13 grew up as a Castilian speaker in Alicante city, although his parents were Valencian speakers, and he reported a positive learning experience. In contrast, respondent C12 who grew up as a Valencian speaker in Sant Vicent del Raspeig expressed frustration that she is obliged to study Valencian. For her, Castilian has always been the language she associated with work and education, whilst Valencian was reserved for home and family use. When asked if she likes using Valencian she responded that she does;

however, she does not agree with it being imposed upon people.

‘A mi m’agrada utilitzar el valencià en l’àmbit en que l’utilitze. No m’agrada que m’imposen.’

(I like using Valencian, in the environment in which I use it. I do not like how they are imposing it upon me.)

When asked if she would like to use Valencian more often her response revealed a sense of frustration with the changing role of Valencian.

‘No, en desacord. Estic enfadada, és que amb el valencià estic enfadada…Perquè jo el utilitze en casa, m’agrada parlar-lo tot. Però jo tinc ara que passar un examen.’

(No I disagree. I’m angry, it’s that I’m angry with Valencia…Because I use it at home, I like to speak Valencian and everything. But, now I have to pass an exam.)

Being asked to prove her knowledge of Valencian through a formal examination has led to a sense of anger and alienation on the part of respondent C12. Similar frustration is reported by Ortega et al. (2015: 90) in the Basque context, where they note that the new valuation of minority languages as having instrumental value is perceived as a hindrance by some. Whilst the newly acquired instrumental value of Valencian has encouraged positive language beliefs amongst some, it can provoke frustration and negative beliefs amongst others. This range of attitudes results from the diverse backgrounds of speakers and contributes to a complex local language policy.