Identity

The construction and perception of identity is deeply rooted in language beliefs, one of the components of Spolsky’s framework of language policy (2004). As will become apparent in chapter five, perceptions of Valencian identity and its construction were a frequent topic of discussion during data collection. As such, space is dedicated here to an overview of scholarly interest in identity and the development of associated ideas. It should also be noted that discussions of identity are often linked to debates about nationalism and also national and regional belonging, and as such, such matters are discussed in this section.

Schecter (2015) provides a detailed account of language, identity and culture and the way in which the relationship between these three components has been studied. She suggests that research in this area has passed through three phases, which will now be summarised. Schecter considers that early work on the link between language, culture and identity adopted a traditional social anthropological perspective (Schecter, 2015: 197). This approach views the three components as inextricably linked and rooted in one’s ethnicity. During this period, language revitalisation was a central concern of scholars, and according to this early view, the loss of a language also means the loss of a culture (see Fishman, 1991). However, Schecter observes that in recent times, this approach has been criticised for promoting an essentialist view of language, identity and culture. In other words, suggesting that characteristics are inherent and cannot be acquired. This view also promoted the authority of the native speaker over other speaker profiles. In an era when language acquisition is no longer limited to traditional intergenerational transmission in the home, this has implications for wider language policy. The second scholarly phase is described by Schecter (2015: 198) as a sociocultural perspective, which she locates from the 1980s until the first decade of the twenty-first century.

This view takes into consideration the complexity of the relationship between language, culture and identity and recognises that the components are increasingly multidimensional. Research in this period also recognised the limitations associated with the reductionist view of language, identity and culture adopted by earlier scholars. The third phase identified by Schecter is described as a participatory or relational perspective (2015: 200). This approach advocates the study of language use in places of contact. Thus, research focuses on how individuals draw upon a repertoire of semiotic resources in order to perform many identities and shift one’s identity over time and space (see Blommaert, 2005: 210). Blommaert’s work coincides with that of Hall (1996) who states that in modern settings identities are not unified; instead they are fragmented. Moreover, identities are ‘never singular but multiply, constructed across different, often intersecting and antagonistic, discourses, practices and positions’ (Hall, 1996: 4).

As noted by Schecter (2015), earlier scholars tended to adopt an essentialist view of language, identity and culture. In this way, the three components are perceived as fixed characteristics that one is born with. According to this way of thinking, one possesses an identity which cannot be changed. However, criticisms of earlier essentialised perceptions of identity have led to current thinking positioning identity as a dynamic social construct. Thus, identity is recognised as semiotic potential in the making and multiple and intersecting identities that develop over time and space are considered the norm (Blommaert, 2005). As such, identity is performed rather than possessed (Joseph, 2009: 14) and Blommaert (2005: 210) notes how this perspective enables imposed criteria of identity to be replaced with a detailed assessment of how people ascribe and inhabit identity through a range of identity features. In this way, individuals can perform many different identities rather than possess just one and they can participate in various communities of practice (see Eckert, 2000; 2006). In fact, Wardhaugh and Fuller note: ‘It is such communities of practice that shape individuals, provide them with their identities, and often circumscribe what they can do’ (2015: 69).In this way, Hall (1996: 4) comments that identities are about becoming rather than simply being and that they are built upon historical, cultural, and linguistic resources, which evolve over time. As is examined in chapter five, fieldwork data suggests that both essentialised and dynamic perspectives of identity are influential in the Valencian context and that increased access to Valencian, as a result of social and political change, has altered perceptions of Valencian identity. Thus, today there are multiple and overlapping Valencian identities; yet, certain identity characteristics, such as ‘language’ and ‘place’, are still perceived as essential by some. Therefore, as will become apparent later in the thesis, tension exists between essential and dynamic models of identity.

Additionally, debates about language and identity are often tied to discussions of nation, nationalism and belonging. As will become apparent, scholars do not agree on definitions of these terms, or the origins of such phenomena (Anderson, 2006: 3). As such, within the limited space of this chapter, it is not possible to detail every definition and interpretation of these terms. Instead, definitions and theoretical approaches that are relevant to this study will be highlighted and

discussed. This complexity surrounding terminology is observed by Anderson (2006).

Faced with a range of ideas and definitions, he proposed his own definition of a nation. He describes a nation as, ‘an imagined political community – and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign’ (Anderson, 2006: 6). The notion of an imagined community is relevant to discussions in chapter five about the perception and construction of Valencian identity and the idea that multiple and overlapping Valencian identities exist alongside each other. The community is imagined since all members cannot know all other members of the community, yet they are aware of their existence and share a sense of belonging. The community is limited because it has boundaries: borders marking the distinction between ‘us’ and ‘them’. As is discussed in chapter five, language is often used to reinforce differences and languages can ‘become markers of different ethnic groups and different nations’

(Barbour, 2000: 10). Thus, a language is not only a means of communication; it is also a means of articulating and performing an identity (Blommaert, 2005).

Moreover, identities may serve as a point of identification and unity; in this same way they may also reinforce differences and therefore, identities can both include and exclude (Hall, 1996: 5).

The nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been described as the era of nation-building (Wright, 2004: 8). Influenced by ideas emerging from the French Revolution, during this period, the nation-state model spread through Europe and sought to create linguistically homogenous communities (Wright, 2012: 59-61). As is explained in more detail later in this section, the nation-state model positions ‘state’

as predating ‘nation’, and as such, it is possible to become a member of the nation by adopting characteristics, such as, language. Membership of the nation could be achieved through language acquisition, and in this way, language could be used as a tool of inclusion, but also, exclusion (Wright, 2004: 7). Such developments led to the emergence of language policy and planning as a subject of academic enquiry in the 18th and 19th centuries (Wright, 2004: 8).

In the context of Spain, research in this area has focussed on peripheral nationalist movements or regional nationalism. In particular, attention has concentrated on the Basque, Catalan, and to a lesser extent, Galician, contexts. Smith

and Mar-Molinero (1996) offer an overview of nation-building in Spain and the development of peripheral nationalist movements, and Mar-Molinero (1996) considers how language has been appropriated differently in debates about nationalism and identity in Catalonia, the Basque Country and Galicia. Looking specifically at Catalonia, Smith (2014) offers a detailed look at the emergence of Catalan nationalism in the period 1770-1898. However, in brief, the early 19^th century saw liberals attempt to construct a centralised and monolingual Spanish state.

However, this was soon challenged by peripheral nationalist movements, which emerged in the 1860s in Catalonia, the Basque Country and also in Galicia. These alternative nationalisms strengthened further in the period between 1900 and 1930.

However, Franco’s fascist regime (1939-1975), which promoted linguistic and cultural homogeneity in order to create a united and centralised Spain, forced such movements underground. Ideas of regional nationalism and belonging re-emerged during the later stages of the dictatorship, and as is discussed in chapter three, the autonomous communities with their own languages, were the keenest to implement changes in the transition to democracy.

Whilst ideas of regional nationalism have been less developed in the Valencian Community than in neighbouring Catalonia, some of the associated ideas, particularly, the appropriation of language as a key component of identity, are relevant to discussions of Valencian identity. As is discussed in greater depth in chapter three, issues surrounding the name of the language spoken in the Valencian Community sparked tension and identity debate in the 1970s, and to an extent, the associated ideas have been internalised and continue to be produced in institutional and vernacular discourse. Therefore, space is dedicated here to a brief examination of the emergence of nationalism and an awareness of national belonging. Particular attention is given to deterministic and voluntaristic models of national belonging and the associated ideas of essentialised and dynamic conceptions of ideas. These ideas are discussed here with reference to the particular context of this study.

Early scholars theorised identity and national belonging as a deterministic and exclusive concept. In the eighteenth century, German romantic nationalist theorists Herder and Fichte promoted an ethnic view of nationalism. They proposed that

components of identity, such as race, language and religion are inherent and beyond an individual’s control (see Hutchinson & Smith, 1994: 17-18; Özkirimli, 2010: 13-15).

Wright (2012: 62) explains that the German model views nation as predating state;

this contrasts with the French model, discussed shortly, which positions state before nation. In this way, German speakers could consider themselves a group. Yet, whilst language was an important component of German identity and belonging, it was not the sole feature; instead, ethnic ties were needed too. Therefore, according to the view promoted by Herder and Fichte, one cannot acquire an identity; rather one is born into one. Simply, learning German was not enough to become a part of the German identity. Whilst this view of identity has since been replaced by dynamic and fluid conception of identity (Blommaert, 2005: 210), certain aspects of this early view, such as the perceived importance of place and language remain influential in current identity debates (Freeland & Patrick, 2004: 5). Equally, Smith (2014: 4) states that in recent years scholars have come to agree that rather than representing two opposing views of identity, ethnic and civic models are interconnected. As such, there is overlap between the two perspectives and this is discussed further in chapter five.

The nineteenth century French scholar Renan (see Hutchinson & Smith, 1994:

17-18) rejected the rigid categories of race, language, and religion identified by Herder and Fichte and instead took a more inclusive view of identity and national belonging (see Özkirimli, 2010: 30). Renan adopted this stance in order to argue for the return of Alsace to France from Germany, in accordance with the wishes of the majority of the population (Zimmer, 2003: 9). Renan’s vision of the nation as an inclusive concept, rather than the exclusive view held by Herder and Fichte, reflects social change in France following the French Revolution. This perspective encourages civic participation, since one is able to acquire an identity, rather than simply inherit one. This view rejects the notion that national belonging is defined by a set of essential characteristics. Instead, it is considered to be a voluntaristic concept, and therefore, one can choose to belong to an identity. As is discussed in greater detail in chapter three, the political definition of Valencian identity reflects this inclusive view. Yet, as will become apparent in subsequent chapters, whilst current scholarship positions identities as multiple and dynamic, certain characteristics, such as language

and territory remain influential in the construction and perception of identity (Blackledge, 2008: 33; Joseph, 2009: 15). Instead, early territorialised views of nationalism, as well as dynamic conceptions, continue to influence language beliefs, and therefore, contribute to the language policy of a community. As is discussed in chapter five, in particular, the characteristics of language, culture, territory and history, which are often perceived as essential, continue to be perceived as significant identity markers. Therefore, as will become clear, beliefs towards language and identity are complex. As a result of recent social and political change, there is tension between essentialised and dynamic conceptions of identity, which in turns contributes to a complex local language policy.