Chapter 2 Background to the research – Educational reform in a Changing
2.6 Chinese Moral education
In China, moral education is considered the soul of education (Qi & Tang, 2004). In the Chinese educational system,Si Xiang Pin De Jiao Yu(Ideology and Moral Education) is the nearest equivalent to affective education in a Western context, and is emphasized and generally known as ‘moral’3education. Zhu and Liu (2004) define Moral Education in
mainland China as an umbrella concept that consists of education within the communist ideologies of politics, law, morality, mental health and so on. They point out that, strictly speaking, “moral education” in the Chinese context cannot be translated as moral education in English, however, there was no other more suitable word that could be used.
The Outline of Secondary Moral Education (MOE, 1988) categorizes moral education content into 8 aspects:
1. patriotism education 2. collectivism education 3. socialism education 4. idealistic education 5. moral education 6. labour education
7. socialist democracy and legal compliance education 8. favourable personal mental health education
The content from the outline is still based on the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference common programme of 1949 (Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi Gongtong Gangling), which prescribed ‘loving the country, loving the people, loving labour, loving science and loving public property’ as the public morality of the Chinese citizen (Lee, 2004). The 1988 outline of Moral Education (MOE, 1988), emphasised patriotism, collectivism and socialism, but personal development and emotional well- being appeared relatively less important. Moral education, as described in the Outline, includes:
Chinese traditional morality, social ethics, the ability to distinguish right and wrong, preliminary professional morality, environmental morality and students’ daily behavioural norms of education and discipline
The 1988 Outline also states that personal mental health education comprises:
Self-esteem, self-love, honesty, integrity, aggressiveness and optimism; youthful mental health, sexual morality, right relationships between boys and girls and friendships; healthy life style, personality and specialities; the cultivation of strong willpower, character and self-discipline.
In comparing the Outline with “SEAL” in England, we see that SEAL stands for ‘social and emotional aspects of learning’, which include five broad aspects of learning: self- awareness, managing feelings, motivation, empathy and social skills (DfES, 2007).
The language in the Outline about personal mental quality education draws a picture of a ‘healthy’ student, and sets a standard for teachers and students to achieve. It is still for the policy maker, or social morality teacher to consider what the students should have or achieve. The SEAL is more concerned with the students’ viewpoint, in the understanding the self, the managing of feelings and the development of social skills. It is not my intension to judge which is better. but it can be seen from the documents, that the influence of culture remains significant.
Chinese moral education shows strong influences from Confucianism. Confucian moral education aims at a noble person who is characterized by superiority of mind, character,
people in the world, the noble people or gentlemen (Junzi) and the ignolbe people. Confucian always stressed the virtues the noble people should have, and what the noble people should do when in a certain situation. Everyone was encouraged to be a noble person. A noble person was also too exemplary to have problems. If one has problems, it also means a failure in becoming a noble person.
When talking about the term ‘affective education’, we must consider that firstly, affection was not to be shown in public in Chinese traditional culture and was not encouraged; secondly, there was no term such as ‘affective education’ under the umbrella of moral education; finally, even the translation of an ‘affective education’ is not totally the same as the western term. In fact, affective education in China is almost totally orientated towards values and moral education in school (Katz, Romi, & Qui, 2005) rather than towards pupils’ personal and social development.
Traditional Chinese culture stresses centralization rather than the individual, so for many years the personality of the individual has been mainly ignored and has not had consideration and/or has not been developed (P. Li, Zhang, Lin, & Zhang, 2004; J. Sun & Xie, 2000; Y. Zhu, 2004). Since the reform and opening-up in 19784, tremendous changes have taken place in China. Rapid economic development has caused changes in the “material and spiritual life” of the Chinese (Meek, 2004). Capitalist and communist economies both exist and influence Chinese political and social values and morality. Along with reform and opening up, at the same time, the one child policy I mentioned earlier was introduced in the late 1970s, which changed the Chinese traditional family
4Reform and opening up – In 1978, China changed planned economics into market economics, and started to
encourage foreign capital to invest in China. This was followed with political, social and cultural changes in communist China.
structure and therefore social relationships. These changes also challenged the traditional teacher-pupil relationship and the pursuit of correct ways for handling the relations between diversification and centralization. This led to reconsideration of the relationship between the individual’s values and the core values of moral education (S. Yang, 2004). Ye (2001) and Tan (1999) argue that traditional moral criteria are disappearing whilst on the other hand, new values and morals have not yet developed. A “Belief vacuum” is a one of the reasons for social moral issues and moral education in school remaining ineffective and inefficient. Scholars from Mainland China (Xu, 1996; cited in Lee, 2001; Qi & Tang, 2004; Tan, 1999, 2006) share the opinion that China is at a transition stage, and is facing conflicts between eastern culture and western culture, traditional culture and modern culture, self-centredness and collectivism. Zai (1998) reveals the dispute about whether the social values in China are collective-oriented or individual-oriented. Along with the process of implementation of a market economy, altruism has declined and individual-oriented social values or individualism has obtained tremendous attention from the public and individuals. The rise of individualism in China means that the ordinary Chinese may have the opportunity to make their own choices and to achieve their personal goals in life and in work as well (Williams, et al., 1997). The most fundamental change is the loosening of state control of production by separating government from enterprises and allowing enterprises greater autonomy to make decisions (X. Chen, 2004).
The old, firm social system has been broken, traditional culture is questioned; however, a new, steady, active and open society and affiliated value system has not matured enough to be accepted by the public. There is no clear vision to represent a future value and
main by Chinese scholars. Bell (2008) thinks that the reason Chinese officials and scholars do not talk about communism is that hardly anybody really believes that Marxism should provide guidelines for thinking about China’s political future. Lee (1997) studies moral education documents issued by the CCP Central Committee (1988) and the State Education Commission (1988; 1990). He points out that the expressions of moral educational policies are always “problem-oriented”. When each educational document is issued, it starts with a statement of the problem, and then suggests solutions. All problems are analysed and solutions are suggested and are grounded in ideological discussions, which reflect the government’s ideological stand at the time. Lee (1997) also suggests that the call for reform in moral education by the CCP Central Committee was to develop the kind of moral education that could meet the needs of the early stage of socialism and market economy, that could be based on pedagogical principles, and that could be youth-centred. Of course, all are based on the guiding principles of Marxism and Socialist spiritual concepts. More recently in response to the rapid social and economic changes, Chinese educational reform and innovation has started emphasizing the individual’s development (Lee, 1997) This is essentially affective in nature and to some extent parallel to Western developments. As Lee (1997) has summarised, the CCP Central Committee has paid attention to youth-centred and pedagogical principles. However, Marxism and Socialist spiritual conceptualization are still stressed as the guiding principles. Lee (2004) points out that after the Cultural Revolution Confucianism was once again utilized as a means of rationalizing communist politics. On the other hand, traditional cultures are deeply rooted in China. Marxist and Leninist beliefs have been formulated and gradually have become flexible and loosened following economic development. Li (2001) also points out that this is because in mainland China, moral policy is centred within the state apparatus, and is divorced from reality, because it no
longer coincides with the individual’s need of independence, freedom and development of the personality. As a result, school moral education does not tally with social and family values. This causes inconsistency of speech and action. Personal needs are neglected and ignored. In fact, the current moral educational approaches to affective education in China tend to be based on theory rather than actual pedagogy. Sadly this is seldom articulated at a practical classroom level. As Zhan & Ning (2004) indicate; there are many inconsistencies between teachers’ theoretical knowledge and their actual teaching methods in moral education. One of the most widespread problems is that moral education teachers are familiar with teaching facts and information, but they lack experience in facilitating students’ learning through practice. This presents a major difficulty for the advance of moral educational reform.
The conflict between personal-developmental function and social-political function causes tension in integrating collectivism and individualism (Cheng, 2008) in contemporary Chinese moral education. Some scholars (Qi & Tang, 2004; Tan, 1999; Fengyan Wang, 2004) reinterpret Confucian moral philosophy to accommodate contemporary changes. Others (Tan, 1999, 2006; W. Zhu, 1992) criticize Confucian political utilitarianism. They think political morality started its transition to democratic morality along with the plural ideology. Personality and individualism are developing quickly and seem likely to influence moral education. Tan (2006) thinks that current social morality is changing, developing and transforming.
Conclusion
This chapter discussed the Chinese examination-oriented education system, current reform and the development of moral education following economic, social and political changes and the influence of opening up and reform in the last 30 years. China is being forced to make difficult adjustments as it rethinks, reflects and is reborn.
Since the opening-up policy and reform, starting from economic transition and development, and encompassing social and political change, China has opened to the world and also started to learn from other countries. New technology and new ideas have come in to modify old ideas and consequently engender new interpretations. It is time for China to reform and develop in a variety of ways.
The Only Child policy contributes to reducing the population. On the other hand, however, it changes the family structure and traditional family and social values. It brings children more chances and materials for education, but also creates personal, emotional and social problems which educators need to research and attempt to solve.
Because of the Cultural Revolution and western influence, people are reinterpreting Confucianism with the hope of filling the moral vacuum. Current educational reform is still suffering from the conflicts between the old tradition and newer thoughts, east and west social values, systems and personal needs, individualism and collectivism. Moral education, especially in terms of social value changes and the reform of ways of teaching, needs to seek new frameworks and contents.
In conclusion, educational reform is essential. Moral education needs to be more thoroughly researched in order to gain a theoretical definition and to validate practical patterns for guidance.
Chapter 3 Personal social development in
Chinese affective education and Circle Time
Introduction
The previous chapter has discussed current educational reform along with social, economic and political changes in China. This chapter focuses on the theoretical framework that informs this study.
Centralization has been valued in Chinese political culture for over two millennia since the time of Qing Shihuang, the first emperor. In his time the feudal centralization of state power was established in 221 BC, and a uniform ideology was viewed as an important factor in uniting the whole country (P. Sun, 2000; X Zhu & Liu, 2004). In order to consolidate his reign, Qing Shihuang ordered the destruction of books and the execution of hundreds of scholars, which was called “Burning books and burying scholars” (Fen Shu Keng Ru), as a way of reinforcing his control of ideology and culture. Centralization has influenced Chinese political culture from then onwards. Education became the tool of the emperor’s political ends and was promoted by successive Chinese governments, and this has influenced the educational attitudes of the Chinese people (W. Zhu, 1992; p.80). Confucianism, with the characteristic of obeying and serving authority, was advocated by all the subsequent emperors and governments; later followers of Confucianism reinterpreted Confucius’ original ideas and developed Confucianism in ways that are more in favour of political centralization and control. Confucian educational ideas were indeed influential in China’s traditional education and their influence can be properly understood only through historical investigation (W. Zhu, 1992).
As I argued in the previous chapter, the Chinese political tradition of centralization has existed for more than 2000 years; currently the PRC (People’s Republic of China) is still a centralized power. In traditional Chinese social values, individualism is frowned upon within society generally and within small organisations such as the family. Personal needs have to be subsumed to the needs of the family, the organisation, and society. Thus, although people in higher positions could satisfy their personal needs up to a point, they still had to defer to those above them.
Centralization certainly resulted in Chinese society being very hierarchical. In such a society, personality and personal needs are neglected and inhibited. The Cultural Revolution (1966 -1976) in particular trampled on the individual’s privacy, human rights and personal basic needs. However, since the opening-up policy and reform over the last 30 years, along with rapid economic growth and social political transition, the market economy in China has not only promoted economic growth, but also has greatly changed people’s thinking, motivation and behaviour towards financial interests, material consumption and individual identity (Chan, et al., 2008; Goldstein, 1996); this, in turn, is also changing Chinese educational objectives and attitudes.
Current educational reform in China (see §2.5) stresses student-centred education instead of traditional teacher-centred teaching; this can be understood to be the result of the increasing demand of personal needs and the development of individualism. However, little research has been done on students’ personal and social development in China. Under the umbrella term of moral education (see§2.6), affective education has not been adequately considered in relation to students’ holistic development.
This chapter will start with definitions of affective education in eastern and western contexts by discussing the importance of education for the individual’s needs, and then will argue that students’ emotional maturity (Lang, 2005) and positive interpersonal relationships will contribute to their self-esteem and holistic development in school.
Firstly, in section 3.1 the affective education terminology from both Chinese and western contexts will be reviewed and interpreted from theoretical understanding to its practical implication. The meaning and dimensions of affective education are different in China from the west (Zhu, 1993). This section will draw attention to the affective understanding in the Chinese context. Secondly, the section also engages with and interprets individual’s needs and emotional development, children’s self-esteem, relationships in school and the interpersonal social skills for students to learn in order to develop equal and positive relationships and self-esteem, which is also discussed in the following sections. Section 3.2 starts from the individual’s needs and moves to the centrality of the individual’s emotional development. It argues for the importance of Chinese students and teachers pursuing personal needs. Section 3.3 draws attention to students’ self-esteem and emotional wellbeing. The terms ‘emotional intelligence’, ‘emotional literacy’ and ‘emotional competence’ will also be discussed, to assist in the understanding of individuals’ emotional needs and self-esteem. Section 3.4 continues the argument that relationships in school play important roles in developing students’ and teachers’ emotional wellbeing and in fulfilling individuals’ personal and social needs. The theory and pedagogy of Circle Time and its potential contribution to children’s personal, social and emotional development will be presented and explained in terms of its significance for this study. As a Chinese educational researcher studying in a western context, introducing western theory and pedagogy to the Chinese educational system, my personal
experience enables me to look back at Chinese contexts from the outside, which widens my horizon and enables me to have a deeper understanding of Chinese education. And also, the Chinese context gives a chance to test western pedagogy from different points of view. By interpreting the definitions of Chinese affective education and moral education, it is intended that there be an effective comparison, importation and exportation of educational ideas (Alexander, 2000). Sections §3.5, §3.6 and §3.7 consider Circle Time in terms of developing students’ personal and interpersonal skills thereby arguing that Circle Time could possibly change peoples’ relationships practically by changing ideas, thoughts and behaviour. This chapter will draw conclusions from theoretical concerns to explain that, in this study, Circle Time is essential at a practical level in developing Chinese students’ personal and interpersonal skills and positive teacher-pupil relationships.