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CONCLUSIONS AND LESSONS LEARNED

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ANNEXTWO, continued:

IMPROVED DESIGN AND MANAGEMENT OF EXISTING AND FUTURE ENGINEERING

12. CONCLUSIONS AND LESSONS LEARNED

An obvious and major conclusion is that the adverse social impacts of large dams have been seri- ously underestimated. Not only is a much larger number of people involved than acknowledged by researchers, government planners and donors, but there has also been a failure to acknowledge the range and magnitude of impacts on the different cate- gories of people; affects on resettlers, for example, differing from those on hosts as well as on other pro- ject affected people living below dams. This situation is partially due to a paucity of research, and especial- ly of research designed to assess long-term impacts.

Another lesson learned, and one that has been insufficiently documented, is that large dam projects are more apt to be subverted during implementation due to political and broader ideological considera- tions. Sri Lanka’s Accelerated Mahaweli Project has already been mentioned as an example. Large dams are sponsored by a powerful coalition including heads of state, multinational corporations of consult- ing engineers, contractors and suppliers, and multilat- eral and bilateral donors. As Gustavo Lins Ribeiro explains, multinational corporations to remain com- petitive must move smoothly from one project to another; indeed, “they stimulate the market for them by indicating and proposing new works” (1994: 50). Their involvement is facilitated by bilateral donors linking favorable credit arrangements (as through export-import banks) to contracts for nationally based firms and by the World Bank’s insistence on International Competitive Bidding.

Heads of state like Franklin Roosevelt of the United States and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana at least had visions, based on political ideologies and capital- intensive technology, of “their” projects stimulating regional development. It is this political component that John Waterbury has labeled “hydropolitics.” According to the World Bank’s Harald Fredericksen, “The conditions encountered in a country’s water sec- tor reflect the political demands and the wisdom and leadership in these matters more than any other fac- tor” (1992: 4). In regard to specific cases,

Waterbury’s assessment of the Aswan High Dam con- cludes that “the history of this project is testimony to the primacy of political considerations determining virtually all technical choices with the predicted

result that a host of unanticipated technical and eco- logical crises have emerged that now entail more political decisions.” (op. cit: 4).

Ribeiro, who also used the phrase “hydropolitics” in the title of his analysis of the binational

(Argentina/Paraguay) Yacyreta High Dam, notes statements by Argentine specialists of better alterna- tives to Yacyreta in the form of smaller dams, better sites for high dams and use of natural gas (an alterna- tive equally applicable to Quebec’s James Bay

Project). He emphasizes several other factors sup- porting the decision to proceed with Yacyreta. One is project-specific, involving competition between Argentina and Brazil (with its binational Itaipu High Dam) for “regional hegemony” (op.cit.: 45). The other can be generalized to other national political economies. Rejecting the word “development,” Ribeiro sees large-scale projects, like Yacyreta, as “a form of production linked to economic expansion” into “outpost” areas (ibid, 163).

Ribeiro’s interpretation would also appear to be applicable to both the James Bay Project and the Southern Okavango Integrated Water Development Project (SOIWDP). In addition to economic expan- sion, the former project gives the province of Quebec increased control over indigenous lands of ambigu- ous legal status as far as that province is concerned. SOIWDP would not only channel more water to the diamond mines (and hence to the advantage of both the government and the DeBeers/Anglo-American multinational corporation), but also provide increased access for Botswanan elite from the more densely populated eastern regions to Okavangan resources in the form of water for irrigation and grazing and water for cattle. Rhetoric aside, in neither project are the intended beneficiaries are supposed to be local peo- ple. Impacts on such people are ignored or played down—to the extent possible—throughout the pro- ject cycle. Appropriate assessment of those impacts, because they are widespread, is expensive, which is another reason they are underassessed.

If more local people are to become beneficiaries, not only must World Bank-type guidelines for reset- tlers be extended to all project affected people, but the horizon of environment and social impact assess- ments must be expanded to include all habitats and human populations likely to be affected. The same guidelines, however, must also be applied to other

options, including, for example, increased reliance on coal-generated electricity. Should that be done, in many cases, other alternatives to major project works would be seen as preferable. And where major dams continue to be the “least-cost alternative” such major changes in design and operation as controlled flood- ing would be called for.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This paper is based on several recent manuscripts including chapters on resettlement and on social impacts in Water Resources: Environmental Planning, Management and Development, edited by Asit K. Biswas (New York: McGraw Hill, 1997), as well as a chapter called “Advancing Theoretical Perspectives on Resettlement” for the forthcoming conference pro- ceedings of the Second International Conference on Displacement and Resettlement held at Oxford University in September 1996. I am indebted to Michael M. Cernea, Elizabeth Colson, Chris de Wet, Scott Ferguson, Robert Goodland, Michael M. Horowitz, Patrick McCully and Martin ter Woort for their comments on initial versions of those papers.

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