4.5 Data analysis
4.5.3 Data analysis after abandoning NVivo
what had been collected in fieldwork were being excluded because not all empirical material could be coded. This led to a growing sense of feeling distant from the data and discomfort about relying on the coding aptly representing what had emerged from participation and observation. Hence, NVivo was ultimately abandoned.
4.5.3 Data analysis after abandoning NVivo
Reverting to a more manual immersion in data trying to achieve thematic analysis involved repeatedly rereading field notes, policy reports and
documents whilst listening to interviews again and again. In particular through rereading the complex government policies the aim was to understand what it was that had become inscribed in their texts. Whilst efficient and ‘clean’, an issue of QDAS in this study was that it could not include everything, all the leaflets, postcards and other artefacts and things, collected in fieldwork.
Therefore, despite having all the interviews transcribed into text and coded in NVivo, on reflection analysis began not through the rereading and coding of transcripts but through listening to the interviews, rereading texts, handling the things from the fieldwork box and achieving immersion in the data in this way. Silverman (2017) also favoured this as a method as opposed to what he described as ‘the line by line analysis’ (p. 154) proposing that listening can provide a more holistic approach to taking in the whole interview in analysis.
Certainly, in the struggle to be able to show the integrity of those encountered
in the course of undertaking ethnographic work, and in particular reflect the emotion and passion which at times the team showed when explaining how difficult they were finding trying to carry out their work at St Angela’s, listening to rather than reading the interviews proved more illuminating.
Rather than reducing the data into words and phrases it became important to build up from the data, in part engaging in the iterative process or constant comparative method associated with, but not equivalent to, the building of grounded theory (Charmaz, 2014).
Returning time and time again to the empirical material and re-‐examining the
‘red flag’ waving incidents in the data these events were written up into short passages. For example, to understand the current context of EOLC it was important to draw together documents, interviews and observation, here drawing on Alvesson and Kärreman (2007, 2011). In their work on ‘mystery’ in qualitative research Alvesson and Kärreman proposed the writing process as a tool for synthesis which allowed other ideas to be drawn in from several documents, such as the reports and policy, to illuminate and help understand the empirical material collected in the field. This method of ‘writing out’ also draws on the idea of ‘in-‐between writing’ (Coles and Thompson, 2016),
described as a cycle of writing, writing, then reading and then writing more, or writing as thinking and rethinking (ibid). In particular Coles and Thompson discussed the suggestion of writing descriptions from fieldwork in which other texts were brought in and included a method which was used in their own work when writing about education but which had been illuminated by
drawing in elements of relevant policy and reports. Cole and Thompson
helpfully explained a process that in this study was used to take account of the policy documents which had been collected in the desk work part of fieldwork.
Here what developed was a way not only to connect fieldwork to a wider sector but also to achieve harmony amongst the people and the things by gradually incorporating texts and interview data, balancing the material and human elements of the research setting.
Synthesis of the disparate collection of empirical material was achieved
through considering the suggestion of focusing on sketching a description of a vignette, a ‘snap shot, episode or a slice of life’ (Emerson and Pollner, 2001, p.
77). This process was considered by Geertz (2001) in his work on writing accounts of research as the process of ‘turn[ing] it from a passing event, which exists only in its own moment of occurrence, into an account, which exists in its inscriptions and can be re consulted’ (p. 67). A vignette was a further way to make sense of what had been recorded in field notes about episodes or
incidents which had occurred in the marketing office and was very helpful in bringing the observational part of ethnography into the thesis whilst
furthermore contracting some of the dominance from interviews.
Writing vignettes was helpful when considering the tensions between the different teams at St Angela’s and the strains between clinical and non-‐clinical roles. Further support for this technique comes from Alvesson and Kärreman (2007) who urged the researcher to examine incidents and the friction,
tensions or breakdowns as these points are where reason and rational process
may not be apparent, and they suggested this was where the interesting work begins for the researcher in trying to understand what insight might be drawn (p. 1266). Certainly, it was such incidents which, hurriedly scribbled down whilst in action during fieldwork, ultimately, and with careful analysis, became the most insightful in particular in the examination of what was difficult for the team to accomplish in their practice.
Both in-‐between writing and vignettes offer techniques which are particularly useful for including the ‘silent voices’ (Blanchet and Depeyre, 2015, p. 47) of the often missed or discounted empirical material which, as discussed earlier in this chapter, is offered in the methodological choice of ethnography, can be relatively easily collected during fieldwork but is often missing or
underrepresented in the final written account of a study. Thus, the process of transcending from analysis to theoretical insights began here and as this writing happened in these circumstances or conditions, through these ways of bringing everything together, connections to concepts, ideas and theories became clearer (Klag and Langley, 2013).
4.6 Researcher reflexivity
How the researcher shapes the research process can be considered in two ways, firstly how the researcher’s behaviour impacts on their research practice, for example choice of research methods and consequences in fieldwork, which has in part been addressed within the earlier explanations of negotiations for research access. Secondly, reflexivity is concerned with a consideration of the researcher’s own beliefs and lived experience, or what Johnson and Duberley (2000) identified as ‘epistemic reflexivity’ (p. 178); views, values as well as knowledge which the researcher holds about themselves, and at times others, and brings into their research practice and the fieldwork setting. Whilst the researcher cannot, in reality, leave their life experience behind or exclude this from fieldwork, reflexivity is concerned with declaring and discussing what, as well as how, the life experience of the researcher may impact and influence their practice. In this study an example of epistemic reflexivity and a major personal challenge was to set aside my own preconceived ideas and experience of the practice of marketing. Having previously employed some knowledge about marketing practice to help smooth negotiations with Kirsten and to gain the access to St Angela’s, as fieldwork began it was important to try to regain a more partial position once situated within the marketing team (Coffey, 1999).
Interestingly, in contrast to the marketing knowledge, little was known about hospices or EOLC, and I had only visited a hospice retail shop. Indeed, in many ways in this aspect my experience was very like that of the marketing team, further complicating my position as researcher.