4.4 Research design
4.4.4 Participant observation
located on the clinical site of the hospice, created relative familiarity with these parts of the clinical side of the hospice and so added to the research insights. In addition to making and facilitating the connections to networks of further information and empirical material in ethnographic research as described by Neyland (2008), what this knowledge allowed was that when the marketing team needed some clinical information it was through the access which Sue had given, and the use of the resources she had authorised that I could help the team.
4.4.4 Participant observation
The mobility and independence which was experienced in the process of carrying out fieldwork, which in turn shaped the study, was juxtaposed to the marketing team who rarely left their desks or the marketing office and were situated in the office for many hours each day, often only leaving to go to Tesco by car to buy lunch. Thus, at many times fieldwork was comprised mainly of long periods of ‘static observation’ (Czarniawska, 2008, p. 10) of the marketing team. However, whilst the practice which the team were undertaking might have appeared relatively immobile and fixed in the marketing office,
simultaneously the team were very active online, interacting constantly with not just other teams but a variety of different organisations on St Angela’s numerous digital platforms; interacting, posting and updating content. Pink (2016) described the digital world as inseparable, constantly changing and an
indistinguishable part of everyday practice; however, what appears to have received less concrete consideration by writers on ethnographic practice is how to engage in the observation of this work in an ethnographic study.
A study by Van Droom (2013) outlined several methodological implications of a researcher using a digital device in an ethnographic study, and the complex ethical issues posed in researcher participant interactions online taking place during fieldwork. In this study what happened was that the practice which I wanted to observe was being conducted online. Thus, in the process of carrying out fieldwork it quickly became apparent that some attempt to incorporate the digital element of marketing practice was vital as observing and recording only what was seen, heard and took place offline in the marketing office represented only part of the team’s day-‐to-‐day activities for St Angela’s (Ruppert et al., 2013). Incorporating the digital aspect of the tasks undertaken in the marketing office had implications for the techniques for recording and documenting the non-‐verbal activities which comprised much of this ethnography, as collecting artefacts, taking field notes during the day and completing a field journal at other times, was not sufficient. To capture the often-‐momentary digital aspect of the team’s work it became important to consider how best to include this online aspect of practice either in a textual format or represented in the study through an artefact. Here some useful insight into how to capture the, at times, fleeting nature of what was observed in an ethnographic study was explored by Basil (2011). In a critique of the use of photography and video in observational research Basil discussed using photographs to supplement field notes as well as
primary data sources. Drawing on these insights, in this study a representation in the form of a photograph or screen shot was used to capture the digital equipment and social media activity. Following Basil’s suggestions these representations aided, prompted and encouraged recall of these aspects of the team’s practice in the analysis and writing up process as well as becoming part of the diverse collection of empirical material which resulted from fieldwork.
Wanting to do more than sit, observe and look from some distance at the team and the work they were undertaking, opportunities were taken to become involved in a variety of tasks. For example, updating mailing lists and analysing St Angela’s Twitter followers were undertaken from the first day of fieldwork thus trying to become useful and accepted through participating in and
contributing to the marketing work being undertaken in the office (Emerson et al., 2011; Hammersley and Atkinson, 2007). Here drawing on the earlier
suggestions by Atkinson (2015) of the immersive aspects of ethnographic work, I undertook several quite mundane and physical tasks which had to be
undertaken regularly in the office and involved the leaflets, flyers and posters which the team designed and produced. For example, one day several hours were spent putting together 250 give away bags for an event that the team were organising. Significantly, it was during the undertaking of these and other such activities alongside the team that some of the most interesting exchanges about marketing practice at the hospice took place.
Considering how to observe, record and reflect on ethnographic fieldwork and writing, Alvesson (2011) considered that a researcher needs to include elements of ‘deconstruction…destabilisation [and] reconstruction, representation and rethinking’ (p. 108) in a research approach to challenge the researcher to look further and wider as well as to observe these kinds of inconsistencies and incidents. Indeed, Law (2004) advocated that a researcher should continually be alert to the ‘incoherence’ (p. 98) in a research setting alongside the practice which is maintained and presented by participants for the researcher to
observe and record. In fieldwork when ‘the production line’ was formed to get a mail-‐out underway the carefully maintained presentation of ‘a marketing team’
slipped and broke down. Choosing to volunteer to undertake these quite mundane activities is discussed in the literature in various ways, such as the researcher showing commitment, trying to fit in, but also undertaking such activities to pass the time, especially for an anxious and novice researcher at the often-‐difficult stage at the beginning of fieldwork (Maginn, 2007). In this study participation had consequences, for example, during the surprisingly physical period in the marketing office when the ‘production line’ was
underway and the team moved away from computers and desks and retuned the radio or played their specially designed playlists from Spotify, some of the most interesting insights into marketing practice, as well as the team’s
understanding of EOLC, emerged (Alvesson and Kärreman, 2007).
A further consequence of this active participation emerged in relation to my own research practice, as it was in the act of opening boxes and handling
leaflets, flyers, letters and postcards, in this production line type exercise alongside the team, undertaking this unpopular and mundane work, that attention was drawn to this material aspect of marketing practice which might otherwise have been ignored. The mail-‐outs were, therefore, and in many ways, a welcome antidote to the dominant and digital aspect of the practices of marketing. When the team spent much of their day working away at their computers the participation in the production line helped to reveal further aspects of marketing practice.
4.4.5 Interviews
Participant observation throughout the three months of fieldwork was accompanied by eighteen semi-‐structured interviews which took place from the third week of fieldwork (Appendix E). A characteristic of interviews conducted as part of an ethnographic study, where knowledge about interviewees themselves and of their work can surface, has recently be
described by Silverman (2017) who suggested that the researcher must ‘Ignore what you know already about your interviewees. Instead, analyse the identities that they actually invoke (and when they invoke them and with what local consequences)’ (p. 154). Focusing on both the situated practice of the team and the performative aspect of what the team were trying to undertake interviews undertaken in this ethnographic study provided another place and opportunity in which to reason about and examine what was being put forward in
fieldwork. In other words, in this study interviews provided an occasion to
consider the team’s practice, and, at times, what took place in the interview was a very emotional and open discussion about their fears and concerns as well as what they enjoyed about their work.
Originally included in the research design of this study to ‘buttress
observations’ (Bryman and Bell, 2015, p. 498) and bolster field notes before fieldwork started, the interviews were planned around an interview schedule (Appendix F) (Brinkmann, 2013). The planning and structure of interviews was discussed by Brinkmann and Kvale (2015), and certainly in line with their observations first interviews always began in a similarly structured manner focusing and progressing systematically through a series of themes. However, as the interview progressed, and particularly where it was possible to conduct second interviews with some members of marketing, conversations changed.
Czarniawska (2014) suggested that in these instances interviews could become more of a discussion about the experiences we had shared in the day-‐to-‐day work that was being undertaken in the team and around matters emerging from my participation in the research setting. Here ethnography demonstrates the contribution of this methodology to give time for the researcher to reflect on what is emerging from the field, for example what is being collected as well as observed during fieldwork, and to adjust, as when a theme emerges in fieldwork there is time to pursue this further before fieldwork ends. In this study two interviews were conducted with most members of the marketing team creating an opportunity to return, and return, to several matters.
Interviews in this study were scheduled during the working day; subsequently the only available place or space for interviews during fieldwork at the business park was a series of small rooms that had to be pre-‐booked. Circling the bank of desks in the main hospice offices, with full length glass windows and very thin partition walls, the interview could be seen and quite possibly heard by those nearest working at their desks. Silverman (2017) reminds the interviewer to consider the rationality of the interviewee suggesting that in an interview the interviewee is continual relating directly to their personal situation and context and this was highly relevant to this project and in this study the relation to place or setting surfaced in several interviews.
An interesting contribution to ‘situated’ or real time (Weick, 2002) reflexivity of the research participants developed in fieldwork as interviews provided an opportunity for the interviewee to pause, to sit back and to consciously reflect on their environment. Situated in amongst his working environment at St Angela’s, in one instance Alan, the CEO, was talking about the lack of pictures of patients in the hospice offices at the business park when he stopped almost mid-‐sentence, looked around his office and out into the hospice offices as if noticing and realising for the first time that these walls did not actually display such pictures. A similar incident took place when Sarah, the graphic designer, who, right in the middle of the interview, again as if for the first time, re-‐
examined her contribution to the design of the office in which she was sitting at the business park. In her work exploring participant centred reflexivity, Riach (2009) referred to ‘sticky moments’ (p. 366) in interviews, which she
suggested are moments when participants acknowledge ‘their own
positionality or biographically created knowledge in relation to dialogue and practice’ (ibid). In this study this realisation surfaced amidst the fieldwork interview when suddenly the dialogue caught up with a situation, requiring a pause or ‘sticky moment’ of personal realisation. Here in the interviews with both Alan and Sarah the idea of a sticky moment materialised from the setting in which the interviews were taking place as the interviewee became aware for the first time of their environment and its relation to what they were saying.
One-‐to-‐one interviews were at times a space in which the team discussed their individual struggles. This was described by Czarniawska (2014) as the
interviewee trying to interpret their experiences, and for those in more senior positions a place where they could voice concerns in what can at times be the quite isolated experience of leading or managing within an organisation (p. 48-‐
49). Interviewees tried to find and rationalise their place in St Angela’s as they set about developing and establishing themselves as well as their work. This was also considered to be the hermeneutic aspect of interviews in that at times exchanges in interviews began to actively empower participants to make and reflect on all that was taking place at the hospice (Silverman, 2017). As such the exchanges in these little rooms were at times mutually generative, producing and triggering further subsequent themes of enquiry to follow in the marketing office after each interview, both for the researcher and also for individuals in their own practice. Thus, the process of exploring themes, beginning analysis and trying to understand what was emerging from fieldwork began in
fieldwork and was not just carried out after observation, participation and interviews had ended.
4.4.6 Documents, photographs and other artefacts
From desk research alongside fieldwork, but also during participant
observation in the marketing office, many documents relating to St Angela’s activities, but also more generally EOLC, were amassed. Such documents, which in this study were collected during fieldwork, were described by Prior (2014) as conceptual webs (p. 366). Suggested to show the unfolding of a narrative which illuminated issues and revealed some history, or specifically the chronology, characters and plot (p. 367), in this study they gave an account of recent developments in EOLC. The contribution from documents and other textual artefacts such as leaflets and postcards was to provide contextual understanding for what was being observed in fieldwork, as well as the understanding that the hospice did not exist in isolation. The artefacts highlighted the service providers or actors in EOLC, including government, stakeholders and other organisations. The documents contributed to the study both by facilitating the exploration of EOLC and also for verification of what was emerging from the observation and fieldwork in the context of a sector.
The texts which became part of this ethnography study must also be
recognised for having a distinct role or part to play, discussed by Rapley (2007) as the way a text can be structured and organised to persuade the reader of its