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A Dependent Clause is a Minor Type with Subject and Predicate, ‘depending

IV. D Minor Clause Types

65. A Dependent Clause is a Minor Type with Subject and Predicate, ‘depending

on’ an ‘Independent Clause’ as a Major Type in the same Sentence and with an essential function. Thus, [1165]

States the ‘thinking’, not the ‘having a break’; [1166] Questions the ‘staying’, not the ‘retiring’; [1167]

Exclaims about ‘being miserable’, not ‘offending’; and [1168] Commands the ‘discarding’, not the ‘using’.

[1165] You’ll think more clearly after you’ve had a break. (Waters of Eden) [1166] Are you going to stay in London after you’ve retired? (Furniture) [1167] How miserable you were when you had offended her! (Idle Fellow) [1168] Always discard a swab after you have used it once. (Taking Good Care)

Also due to Foregrounding, the reactions to a Statement address the Major Process, not the Minor Process.

Thus, the reacting speakers deny the ‘blackballing’, not the ‘trying to join’ [1169]; ‘disagree’ with the ‘being important’, not with her ‘having hope’ [1170]; disbelieve the ‘standing ready’, not with the ‘putting’ or

‘turning’ [1171]; and are ‘glad’ about a man ‘being a goodcobbler’, not about his ‘looking very young’ [1172].

[1169] ‘Your husband was blackballed when he tried to join the Country Club.’ ‘That’s not true!’ (Crime) [1170] ‘It’s important she should have hope.’ ‘I don’t agree.’ (Woman of My Age)

[1171] ‘These parties stand ready to take the mills off your hands at the value I put upon them when I turned them in.’ ‘I don’t believe you!’ (Lapham)

[1172] ‘Though he may look very young he’s a good cobbler.’ ‘Glad to hear it.’ (Shoe-maker’s Daughter) 66. When the two Clause Types occur together, which is of course the unmarked Pattern for

‘dependency’, both a Dependent Clause and an Independent Clause prefer a falling Pitch and End Weight. In a separated Prosody, the weight or length of each Clause may justify assigning it its own Tone Group, set off by a pause in between, no matter which comes first. [1173-74]

Sometimes alternative Pitch contours, with one rising and one falling, as we have seen for Major Clauses (IV.19, 33), can be shared between Minor and a Major Clause [1175-76]; thanks to the distinct contrast in Pitch, no pause may be needed.

One plausible effect is to invite comparison between Minor and Major Process, e.g. between two Agents who ‘moved’, or between who’s to be the ‘Beauty’ and who the ‘Beast’.

67. Sometimes too, the separation between Clauses is so clear in the Prosody that the Dependent Clause is treated as an Utterance in its own right. The most common one occurs in answering a Question from another speaker [1177-78]. Or, the same speaker may express an afterthought [1179-80].

[1177] ‘Why hasn’t she told him?’ ‘Because she has come to her senses.’ (Longest Journey)

[1178] ‘When shall we give Bleak House its mistress, little woman?’ ‘When you please’. (Bleak House) [1179] Besides, he may have been driven over the edge by her carryings-on. Because carry on she did. (Crime)

[1180] ‘She is a jolly companion to be with, amusing, restful —

interesting.’ ‘I think that is a fair description. When she cares, that is. When she is in good form.’ (Secret Place s)

These separated Clauses are disdained as ‘sentence fragments’ by most teachers of ‘formal writing’ (cf. IV.81), a subject-matter that rarely addresses Prosody.

68. In an integrated Prosody, both Clauses constitute a single Tone Group, provided that the weight or length is plainly low for the Minor Clause [1181-82] or for the Major Clause [1183-

84], again no matter which comes first.

69. Integrated Prosody is most logical when the Minor Clause is integrated also into the Grammar of the Major Clause. The Minor Clause can be Framed in various Patterns [1185-88].

But here too, weight and length may call for separated Prosody:

70. The four Major Clause Types can serve as integrative Frames, most clearly with the prototypical Verbs, though with the falling Pitch typical of Statements:

In return, a Major Clause Type that is not a Frame can integrate a Minor Clause into its own Prosody, as for a Question [1194], an Exclamation [1195], and a Command [1196].

71. Framing Statement Tags can retroactively contribute a Communicative Frame to reaffirm a Statement [1197], or a Question [1198], or a Command [1199].

[1197] Rearmament is a mistake, I tell you. (Maggie Jordan)

[1198] How could anyone abuse a wee child like that, I ask you. (Inside the RUC) [1199] Just be thankful you haven’t got longer hair, I’m telling you. (conversation)BNC

72. Extremely popular as retroactive Cognitive Framing Tags are ‘you know’ and ‘you see’ (in the sense of

‘understand’, not ‘look at’), which more feebly reaffirm the Statement. ‘You know’ can suggest that ‘you’ are aware and are just being reminded [1200]; ‘you see’ can suggest that the speaker is making something clear [1201]. Yet placed at the Front as an ordinary Frame in the same Tone Group, ‘you know’ can indicate that Statement is fully certain [1202], whilst ‘you see’ can indicate that the Statement is confirmed by visual evidence [1203].

[1200] You’ve got to live your life too, you know, said Keith with a grin. (Furniture) [1201] That quietness was typical of us; we had a strong sense of etiquette, you see. (Ready) [1202] You know we have settled all that already. We talked it all over last night. (Emma) [1203] Be calmer. You see that I am composed (Dombey)

73. Conversely, Framing Question Tags retroactively Frame a query about what the hearer ‘would say’ or might or ‘know’ or ‘see’ about what was just said. Affirmative Tags follow Questions, leaving some Uncertainty [1204-06]; Negative Tags follow Statements, anticipating confirmation [1207-09] (cf. xxx).

[1204] Could the two attacks be linked, would you say? (Edge)

[1205] When does that policy terminate, do you know? (insurance training)BNC [1206] But I don’t choose to sell myself, do you see? (Hidden Flame)

[1207] That smacks of carelessness, wouldn’t you say? (Out of the Storm) [1208] We are all terminally ill, dear boy, don’t you know? (Lee’s Ghost) [1209] I could better bear disgrace in solitude, don’t you see? (Hidden Flame)

As Negative Frames, ‘know’ and ‘see’ function the same for Questions as they do for Statements — showing Certainty [1210] and pointing to evidence [1211].

[1210] Don’t you know that Venice is packed with visitors? (Mask) [1211] Don’t you see that you’ve frightened him away? (Howard’s End)

Similar functions also apply for the short, popular Cognitive Framing Tags ‘you know?’ and ‘you see? They hardly require confirmation (maybe an obliging nod). Again, ‘knowing’ is for what is reminded; ‘seeing’ is for what is clarified.

[1212] ‘You can’t be too careful, you ¡know?’ Patrick nodded. (Another Time)

[1213] You had to carry your lamp in your teeth, you ¡see? (Nottingham Oral History)

Framing Exclamatory Tags seem to appear only after Statements.

[1214] You’re a bloody old copper, I must say! (Windsor Blue)

[1215] I’m terribly sad that it happens, but it shouldn’t happen, you see! (conversation)BNC [1216] You’ve a strenuous day ahead of you, you know! (Distance Enchanted)

74. Far more could be said on the functions of Dependent Minor Clauses, but my brief review should at least indicate why the terms ‘declarative’, interrogative’, and so on apply to Independent Clauses, and not to whole Sentences. The decision for a Minor Clause is strategic to express a Process that is not stated, questioned, exclaimed, or commanded, but supplies the Background for a Major Process that is.

IV.D.2 Non-Finite Clauses

75. Non-Finite Clauses are Minor Clauses having a Subject and a Non-Finite Verb and usually depending on a Finite Clause nearby.19 They mainly occur, like other Minor Clauses, to supply the Background in a Sentence, juxtaposed with a Major Process occupying the Foreground (cf. IV.64). The Non-Finite Verb could be a Present Participle for Active [1217] or Medial [1217] to express what is happening then; or a Past Participle for Passive [1219] to express what has happened before then. Pronouns functioning as Subject can occur in the forms of either Subject or Object [1220-21], a variation perhaps encouraged by the absence of a Finite Verb.

[1217] Seeing the peril past, all the bystanders burst into derisive laughter. (Ben Hur) [1218] the ¡parson ar·!riving, and the ¡horses being !rea·dy, the squire departed (Jones)

[1219] The ¡work !fin·ished, the ¡dead !bur·ied and the ¡site !cleared, Batty Green revert-ed to a sullen silence (Wainwright)

[1220] he lifted a little silver crucifix and held it out to me, ¡I being !near·est to him (Dracula) [1221] he called to give me advice about the old wheat, ¡me being a !widow (Middlemarch)

The preferred Prosody has Strong Stress for End Weight [1218-21], and a falling Pitch contour much like the Finite Minor Clause [1222-23].

76. A Non-Finite Clause can be loosely linked with a Finite one by ‘and’ or ‘what with’, maybe implying an ironic or distressing relation between Processes: a Present Participle in an Active [1224] or a Medial [1225], Past Participle in a Passive [1226], or Infinitive for what is about to happen [1227]. Again, we see the Pronoun in the function of Subject in the form of Subject or Object.

[1224] And here’s me dyin’ to go and him havin’ all the chances, and him hating books (conversation)BNC

[1225] The atmosphere is now different, what with the cricketers playing internationally and several fighters going to South Africa (Daily Telegraph)

[1226] his master bolted with his place, and him blamed for it! (Dombey)

[1227] What! I love, I sue, I seek a wife, […] and I to sigh for her! (Love’s Labour’s Lost)

77. A Non-Finite Clause can be Framed with suitable Framing Verbs for Communicative Processes like

‘describe’ [1228], ‘declare’ [1229], or ‘proclaim’ [1230].

[1228] I described the gorgeous Babylonian harlot riding forth in her chariots of gold (Parish) [1229] These men declare, with alarmed countenance, the brigands to be coming (French Revolution)

[1230] This German Socialism […] proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation (Manifesto of the Communist Party)

Similarly, the Object of Verbs for Perceptive and Cognitive Processes can also be the Subject of a Non-Finite Clause:

[1231] I beheld the roof burning. (Volcanoes)

[1232] Bernice found her eyes caught by flashes of light (Deceit) [1233] Herr Nordern felt his hand tremble. (Bury the Dead)

[1234] She knew her beloved Catherine to have so feeling a heart (Northanger) [1235] she believed him to be really taking comfort in some society (Emma)

78. A useful Non-Finite Clause makes up for the Imperative form limiting Commands to the Second Person (cf.

IV.52). Here, the Command is formed with ‘let’, whose Object is also the Subject of an Infinitive expressing the Action or Event the Command is intended to motivate. ‘Let’ rates only Weak Stress, whilst End Weight mainly decides if the Infinitive rates either Strong Stress (e.g. ‘disband’ in [1236]) or Weak Stress (e.g. ‘disperse’ in [1236], ‘do’ in [1237]). The Pitch contour is usually a falling one, much as for ordinary Commands.

In a few data, the speaker commands some Second-Person Audience to perform (or not perform) an Ergative of

‘letting do’ in the Affirmative [1238] or Negative [1239], as distinct from ordinary ‘allowing’ [1240-41].

[1238] most gracious Duke, with thy command let him be brought forth (Comedy of Errors) [1239] Don’t let the ultrasophisticates put you off the guided city tour. (Beaten Track) [1240] ‘She had better go out of the room.’ ‘Let her stay’, said Madame Merle. (Portrait)

[1241] Look out, he’s turning! Don’t let him get away! (Sawyer)

More often, the plausible reading is merely a Non-Finite Command that the Direct Object Agent should act without anyone in particular ‘letting’ them. Affirmatives like [1242-43] are common in my data, whilst Negatives like [1244-45] are rare.

[1242] Let the child who broke her slate come forward! (Eyre)

[1243] Let the guilty tremble, therefore, and the suspect, and the rich (French Revolution) [1244] Let the Roman senator not despise the poor Pompeian. (Pompeii)

[1245] don’t let the honourable gentleman forget that we now have one point four million more in work in the UK than we had ten years ago. (House of Commons)

Occasionally, the intention is sarcastic defiance, implying it will hardly be done or else to no purpose, and the Prosody caries louder Volume and slower Pace:

[1246] ‘Let him dare to force you!’ I cried. ‘There’s law in the land.’ (Wuthering)

[1247] Let him do his spite. My services, which I have done the signiory, shall out-tongue his complaints.

(Othello)

And in exuberant discourse, the doing may be one the speaker cannot realistically command at all:

[1248] let the whole of creation share this sublime happiness. (Joy Bringer)

[1249] Let the sky rain potatoes; let it thunder to the tune of Greensleeves (Merry Wives)

[1250] Let ugly Darkness, with her rusty coach, smother the earth with never-fading mists (Tamburlaine) 79. A Non-Finite ‘let’ Command may propose the audience to join the speaker in acting together [1251]. The unmarked Object of ‘let’ is then the First Person Plural us’ [1252], whereas I found just a few instances of ‘you and me’ [1253]. Again, the Infinitive takes Weak Stress or Strong Stress.

[1251] ¡Let us ¡all !slip into our !beds, and !be ¡there when she comes in (Pan) [1252] ¡Don’t ¡let us !talk about it any more (Dorian)

[1253] Let ¡you and ¡me ¡have a !story !club all our own (Green Gables)

In regional usage, the popular Contraction ‘let’s’ (‘let + us’) may get additional Objects despite the contracted Pronoun, hence ‘let’s us’ (Strong Stress) [1254], or ‘let’s you and me’ [1255] and ‘let’s me and you’ (Weak Stress) [1256].

[1254] ‘Go ‘long home and get laughed at.’ […] ‘Let’s !us ¡go, too, Tom.’ (Sawyer)

[1255] ¡Let’s ¡me and ¡you !bunch our !com·mis·sar·y de·!par·tments and make a !stew (Options) [1256] ¡Let’s ¡you and ¡me ¡go ¡down to the !cir·cus (Punkin Center)

80. Compared to Dependent Clauses, Non-Finite Minor Clauses generally function more distinctly as Background. Apparently, the choice of Non-Finite reflects an Intention to mention one Minor Process setting the scene or circumstances for the Major Process in a Finite Clause (IV.58). However, the Non-Finite

Commands just reviewed reverse the priorities, with ‘let’ often merely a dummy Process, and the Minor process by its form is the Major Process by its function.

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