Devolution, Inclusion and Representation

Traditionally the UK has a poor record of representing minorities including women. In ‘government at any level in 2010, the UK ranked 15^th out of 27 EU members states in terms of women’s representation in national parliaments’

Rona Fitzgerald in Crick and Lockyer (2010:75). ‘In 2005 women made up 20% of the House of Commons (highest ever proportion of female MP’s) and less than 2.3% were ethnic minorities’,’ Phillips in Facey (2008:282). At local level 30%

councillors were women and 0.9% ethnic minorities, (ibid) (2008:283).

Devolution however has helped to paint an alternative picture of political representation. In Wales in 2003, 50% of Assembly Members were women.

This decreased however to 40% in the 2011 elections, where 24 out of 60 AMs were women. Due to what was perceived as controversial positive actions on behalf of the Welsh Labour Party, the ‘twinning’ system, helped produce the female ratio of Welsh Assembly Members was 50:50 in 2003. Christine Chapman- Welsh Labour recalls how ‘the Assembly was born from the

Government of Wales Act 1998, which contains an equality clause bestowing a duty on government to take a proactive stance and promote equality for all persons and in respect of all government functions’. She highlighted that Plaid Cymru also adopted a policy of “zipping” for the 2007 elections, whereby women automatically received first place on the regional lists’ Chapman (12/2/2012).

These policies have been perceived as relatively short-term measures to promote a change in culture towards more equal representation for men and women. Therefore in 2007-2010 the National Assembly for Wales created the Step Up Cymru to encourage people from under-represented groups to participate in democratic institutions and as active citizens. This followed an initial Welsh Government and National Assembly for Wales’ initiative called Operation Black Vote which aimed to encourage more democratic participation by black and ethnic minority citizens. In 2012 2 out of the 60 AMs were from an ethnic minority background. Whether Step up campaign has any lasting success in encouraging people to participate from under-represented groups is an on-going question. However recognition that particular groups lack the power or knowledge to participate is a first step to acknowledging the inadequacies in the current systems of democracy.

This inclusive and pro-active approach to democratic participation is reflected the strategic aims in the Welsh Assembly commission’s equality scheme. Its Strategic Equality Plan and Objectives emphasised how equality could play an essential role in ensuring citizen participation: ‘The Welsh Government is working hard to deliver on our commitment to ensure that every citizen has the opportunity to contribute to the social and economic life of Wales’ (2012:8).

One of its primary focuses was the Vote 2011 campaign aimed at encouraging a wider range of people to vote though producing materials in different formats.

The former Presiding Officer, Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas claimed that ‘one of our key strategic aims is to increase participation in the political process among the people of Wales – including under-represented groups such as disabled people’

(6/9/2012). This incorporated a widening participation event which was organised to encourage democratic participation amongst disabled people.

These initiatives could be perceived as attempts to implement measures which encourage inclusive and ‘differentiated’ forms of citizenship within Wales.

Although there have been clear attempts to encourage deeper and more meaningful democratic participation by the National Assembly for Wales the formal participation rates have remained low however. Also these measures

alone do not address fundamental socio-economic inequalities, which also impede participation and engagement. The barriers to participation linked to inequalities and social justice are addressed in more detail in chapter 4.

3.12 Conclusions

Participation, particularly democratic participation is a central aspect of active citizenship if interpreted as an active and reciprocal social concept. Democratic participation has been broadly accepted as an inherent feature of active

citizenship by radical and liberal commentators alike, as it ensures that people are able to contribute to the political decisions and debates that affect them and others, acting as agents in their own lives. However as critics of liberal notions of democratic participation argue democratic participation should be embraced beyond a set of formal functions and more as a way of life. In this sense it would normatively be enacted in a wider participatory sense rather than citizens merely being represented by politicians elected and largely unaccountable for a number of years.

Governments which have been comprised of all the mainstream political parties in the UK have recognised the implications of the democratic deficit within the UK and the impact it has on citizen participation in political processes and overall political legitimacy. These governments have ostensibly attempted to address some of the factors contributing towards this deficit in participation by implementing constitutional changes and introducing new policies, and

initiatives to encourage higher levels of participation and engagement. This has included a renewed interest in the de-centralisation of powers. Most notably devolution in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales are the main arenas for this relocation of powers. The extent to which citizens have been empowered through these new layers of government requires long –term evaluation, as each institution varies from the next, evolving at various speeds and holding different powers. However there are indications that within the new

democratic institutions there is a greater potential for civic and civil

engagement, as the elected representatives and public servants are closer to the people they are elected to represent. In some instances actions have been

taken to address barriers to representation and participation. However despite some optimism less visible cultural and political barriers to participation have remained. This also highlights how many powers that these devolved

institutions have gained have been undermined by central government and unelected organisations which over-ride social, economic and political

decisions. These inequalities and social injustices are examined further in the following chapter, which sets out the specific policies and initiatives that have been implemented within the UK to encourage active citizenship and

community participation.

Chapter 4: UK Governments’ policies: active citizenship and community