Welsh devolution and education for active citizenship

between the New Labour and Coalition Governments and expressed concerns over the Coalition Government’s approach towards citizenship education, as follows:

‘The present government’s problem is not really recognising the need to resource learning, although there is still commitment in the Business Innovation and Skills (BIS) Department, which is where adult education sits. There still is some sort of commitment there I think, with some of the adult learning organisations like NIACE and the WEA particularly’, Interview Civil Servant (11/4/2012:4).

Therefore it appears that various governments have with some remaining commitment participated in rhetoric regarding education for empowerment and engagement. However the overarching educational policies and structures in many instances have undermined these ideals, particularly where its prime focus remains concentrated on education for employability.

5.9 Welsh devolution and education for active citizenship

Since the arrival of a national government in Wales, there has been some distinction between the educational policies and initiatives in Wales and at Westminster. These differences point to some important divergences in ideological positions between the two layers of government, as well as

imbalances of economic and political power across the UK, in relation to citizen participation. The Welsh Government’s specific approach towards encouraging active citizenship through participation in education is examined in more detail throughout this section.

Due to cuts in the allocated funds from Westminster, education budgets in Wales were reduced by £4.1billion in 2012 from 2011 and amongst other government departments have faced a large reduction overall of £6.2billion from the public sector. Even though educational provision is a devolved responsibility for the Welsh Government, the reduction in overall spending of

£164 million in 2012, has had a direct impact on the funding available for

education as well as other related services including local authorities, social services and health. These departments had all previously provided indirect and direct funding for the delivery of education and welfare provision through the public and Third Sectors.

The low levels of literacy and numeracy, particularly amongst socio-economically disadvantaged groups in Wales, create important barriers to citizen participation. The Poverty Site (2012) stated that ‘50% of the working-age population in Wales lack basic numeracy skills, a higher proportion than in any of the English regions apart from the north east’. This compares with the average for England which has been 46%. The site also states that ‘25% of the working-age population in Wales lack basic literacy skills, again a higher proportion than in any of the English regions. The average for England as a whole is 16%’. Other data emphasises how the lack of basic skills varies

between areas, there is a direct correlation between lowest levels of basic skills and the highest levels of socio-economic deprivation. ‘The Valleys areas

(Blaenau Gwent, Merthyr Tydfil, Caerphilly, Torfaen and Neath Port Talbot) had the highest proportions of people lacking basic literacy and numeracy skills. In addition it claimed that ‘those without Level 1 in basic skills are less likely to participate in adult learning, thus reinforcing the disadvantage they already experience by having low skills levels.’

In recognition of this severe impairment to participation, the Welsh

Government mainly led by the Welsh Labour Party, in partnerships with the Liberal Democrats in 2001-2003 and Plaid Cymru from 2007-2011, displayed a commitment to learning with an aim of increased community involvement and participation. A number of Welsh Labour documents such as Winning Wales (2002) and the Learning Country (2001) and its revisions in (2006) and (2010) were coupled with a wider call for ‘A Revolution in Education’ in the

consultation document for Improving Public Services (2010:4). Throughout these initiatives there was an emphasis on education for wider social purposes such as social justice and ‘closing the equality gap’ (2010:5). This included

widening participation in further and higher education, especially for those from disadvantaged areas.

In 2010 the National Assembly for Wales set out a programme for education and lifelong learning in ‘The Learning Country’. It recognised that ‘inequalities in achievement between advantaged and disadvantaged areas; groups and

individuals must be narrowed in the interests of all’ (2010:13). The National Assembly for Wales urged a change in the behaviour of institutions in order to ensure that equality of opportunity for learning was available to all. ‘The Government of Wales Act lays a distinct and special responsibility upon the National Assembly over the pursuit of equal opportunities. Unconscious institutional and other barriers to learning must be progressively removed’

(2010:37).

The Independent Task and Finish Group Report on the Structure of Education Services in Wales (9 March 2011:4), stated devolution in Wales should allow the people and decision makers in Wales to directly impact on educational provision and achievement, reflecting a democratic style of education and governance.

This suggested that the Welsh Government’s ideal role for citizens would be to play an interactive role in the process of governance through the education system. The central core of the Chair’s message implied that social equality should be perceived as central to the purpose and process of ensuring all people in Wales play an active part in society:

‘Wales surely cannot accept, as some still seek to do, that children from more deprived backgrounds are somehow doomed to fail. That has never been the ‘Welsh way… Indeed it is the opposite of that we have always as a people seen education as transformative and the key to social mobility,’ Chair of the Task and Finish Group on the Structure of Education Services in Wales (2001:5).

Here it implied that underlying socio-economic barriers should be recognised and not prove to be permanent obstacles to all citizens to reach their full

potential. There were clear points of divergence in educational polices between

Wales and Westminster which had the potential to impact on the opportunities for individuals and groups to participate within a framework of social justice.

This included the Welsh Government decisions to retain maintenance grants and allowances for further and higher education for less well-off students, Universities fees cap at £3000 and refusing to introduce free schools and league tables.

The Welsh Assembly Government also claimed its objective was ‘to democratize the intake to higher education’, which related to their ambitious targets to widen participation throughout education’ (2010:5). Welsh Labour’s rhetoric appeared citizen centred, claiming that they desired an ‘education system that fits around the needs of individuals and not vice-versa (2010:5). There was specific recognition in its ‘Improving Public services’, policy that its education system should play an intrinsic role in democracy. ‘Offering flexible accessible- learner centred provision, to contribute to reviving and sustaining of

communities and shaping of a democratic, civilised and inclusive society’

(2010:8).

However, complications occurred within the wider framework of Westminster policies. An education officer at the Welsh Government highlighted some of the difficulties for the young government, when carrying out policies within the somewhat complex layers of government, as follows:

‘Where we do potentially have difficulty to some degree is in things like ESOL for instance, where the education side of it is devolved but issues around the UK Border Agency are not and so the UK government can introduce conditions attached to residency, which we then have to work within the boundaries of but sometimes can be in conflict with our own policies,’ Interview Civil Servant (8/5/2012:4).

It is therefore apparent that despite some attempts to encourage a more democratic and inclusive approach to and through education there are restrictions within Welsh Government educational policies. Also, importantly these limitations lie within the context of wider UK wide and global economic and political constraints.