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Discussion

In document Thesis (Page 38-44)

The topic of Lumbee federal recognition is not one that has lacked exploration. However, the majority of those of who have analyzed the Lumbee in regards to the Federal

Acknowledgement Process do so only from the outside looking in. Rather than viewing the Tribe as a sovereign body with a political presence from the time of its existence, many assume that the Tribe has attempted to “fit the mold” and adapt to the requirements established by the United States government. Rather than simply delving into how the Tribe has responded to external pressures, it is important to explore internal desires in order to see the full truth. This study aims to further that goal. Rather than talking about federal recognition as a whole and how the

Lumbee fit into the puzzle, I have attempted to demonstrate the ways in which the Lumbee demonstrate their own shifting political organization that responds to needs within the group. While recognition of a nation-to-nation relationship with the federal government is certainly a goal for many tribal members, this has not been the driving force within the majority of the Tribe’s political endeavors. Although the Lumbee Tribe presents an interesting case, this is the first study of its kind that attempts to tackle the issue from start to finish. This thesis is simply a starting point on the much larger question of how tribes operate as sovereign nations within a system that aims to control them in so many ways.

By placing the historical data into the larger cultural context, the relationships may become more meaningful. The first signs of Lumbee political organization that may be analyzed through the historical record are demonstrated through kinship and place. These political

epicenters that are located throughout Lumbee communities serve to unify tribal members and give them a sense of belonging. Additionally, many of these areas are identified within the fourteen districts identified by the legislative branch of the Lumbee tribal government. The

historical significance and political value of these locations is recognized by modern Lumbee officials. Members of the Tribe utilize kinship and place collectively, and are often able to learn more about one another by simply knowing where they are from. However, I propose that kinship and place can sometimes become problematic. While the “place” a tribal member belongs to can often give them a sense of pride within the Lumbee community, other times it can result in making tribal members feel disconnected from the Tribe altogether. For example, a large community of Lumbee tribal members exists in Baltimore, MD, the result of families who traveled there over fifty years ago to earn a better life for themselves with jobs in the region. Today, the population of Lumbee people within the community has grown tremendously

(Makofsky, 1982, p. 76). Despite their large numbers, their distance from Robeson County often renders them disconnected from tribal happenings. It could also be argued that their identity has been politicized in some way over the years, as their way of life is a far cry from the Lumbee of North Carolina due to their urban adaptation (Makofsky, 1982, p.76). These kinship relations represent one shortcoming of the tribe’s governmental system, as the Lumbees in Baltimore, MD do not have a representative on the tribal council, despite their substantial population in the area. While kinship and place prove advantageous within some historic Lumbee communities, others serve as a testament to a weakness within the tribal government. Issues such as this one are also related to the Federal Acknowledgment Process. Though the Lumbee do have a cohesive

community structure, shortcomings do exist. This can play a role when the tribe is examined as a collective body.

During the Civil War era, the Lumbee demonstrated that they could utilize political organization to meet their needs. Though the Lowry gang was not an official tribal organization and other bands existed, this example demonstrates the determination of the Lumbee people.

This determination has been a vital component of the larger political system. It serves as the motivating factor for the Tribe’s self-governance and strong desire to care for its people. The Lowry gang fought to alleviate poverty within the community and send a message throughout the area that the Lumbee were a force to be reckoned with. Their political organization gave a face to the Lumbee in a community that didn’t take them seriously, and drew the Lumbee onto an even larger stage. The legend of Henry Berry Lowry lived on long after him. Throughout this period, the Lumbee worked together for the betterment of the Tribe despite conditions that could have crushed their spirit. Despite these times of great hardship, their identity as Lumbee Indians was maintained and helped to carry them through. In that same light, the quarrel with the KKK at Hayes Pond in the late 1960’s serves as a similar example of how the Lumbee aimed to stand up for their community and protect tribal members in the face of unfavorable environmental

conditions.

It could be argued that the period of time between the 1870’s and the 1930’s shows the most identifiable examples of Lumbee political organization. As the Tribe petitioned to the state and federal governments for assistance in creating their own normal school in the 1870’s, they took the first steps toward a political legacy that has still not been forgotten. At a time when Native Americans were unable to attend colleges and universities, the Tribe took the initiative to establish their own. For many years, the Normal School would be the only institution of higher learning designated specifically for Native Americans. Today, its legacy lives on within the community. Through the Lumbee no longer make up the majority of students at the university, it is recognized because of its unique history and service to the community. The Lumbees’ internal desire for education for their people led to the development of what is now a thriving university within the tribal community. Though not specifically acknowledged within the Tribe’s pursuit of

federal recognition, it can be suggested that the University of North Carolina at Pembroke speaks volumes on behalf of the Lumbee Tribe’s perseverance and determination as a nation.

Later, in the 1930’s, the quarrel that emerged within the Tribe over what they should be named led to political factions within the Tribe that would result in the Lumbee Tribe’s presence at a nationally recognizable level. The division between Siouan leadership and the segment led by D.F. Lowry demonstrated that Lumbee were a political people, who didn’t necessarily agree on the best way to go about accomplishing their goals. While one side wanted influence from the federal government and the other advocated for a grassroots movement, this demonstrated that politics in its true form was certainly present within the Lumbee community. At the same time, both factions were recognized by leaders on a national level, drawing the Lumbee deeper into the political spectrum.

More recently, the development of the Lumbee Regional Development Association has served as an example of how the Tribe continues to advocate for the needs of its people. While its origination and purpose have already been discussed, it is important to note that this was an integral step toward formalized tribal governance within the Lumbee Tribe. Though the Lumbee were not “recognized” with a nation-to-nation relationship with the federal government, they sought out resources that would help to meet their needs. As LRDA continued to grow and develop, the Lumbee were better able to advocate for themselves at a national level and work with organizations such as the National Congress of American Indians to promote their desires. As was previously mentioned, LRDA helped in the formation of the current Lumbee

constitution, which serves as a tangible example of the sovereignty of the Lumbee people. Today, LRDA works in conjunction with the tribal government (though they serve different purposes), to meet the needs of the community.

Though it is evident that the Tribe has advocated for itself as a political body, it is important to remember that they do not exist in a vacuum. Issues of race within the community have certainly been present. Prior to 1975, six school systems existed in Robeson County. Five were individual towns within the county, and the sixth was the Public Schools of Robeson County, which served all of those who didn’t live in the town limits (Barton). Because of the unique school board system, some individuals within the area had two votes while others only had one. For example, someone residing in Lumberton, NC voted for the Lumberton school board as well as the general county school board. This double voting system had a

disproportionate impact on Native Americans, as they made up sixty percent of those who resided in the county jurisdiction. A ruling issued in January 1975 reversed the policy, resulting in a more representative system. While the double voting system was largely reversed due to Lumbee activism, it raises the question as to the possibility of a Lumbee/Black coalition.

However, as mentioned in relation to the Ku Klux Klan’s invasion of Robeson County in the 1950’s, the Lumbee have attempted to distinguish themselves from African Americans in the area. While it could be argued that African Americans and Lumbees in Robeson County were facing many of the same issues, Ture and Hamilton argue that in order for a successful coalition to form, both parties must believe that they stand to benefit from the coalition (79). Though some could argue that a successful coalition could have existed at this time, other issues are at play. Clare Jean Kim argues that there is a racial hierarchy in the United States that is anchored by race and nativity (Kim, 2000). Non-White and non-black groups may benefit from the hierarchy, unintentionally or not, and therefore also have reasons to maintain the hierarchy (Kim, 2000). Finally, as McClain et al. note, non-blacks in particular may benefit from distinguishing themselves from African American (McClain et al., 2006).

The tribe continues to strive for economic growth within the community, better education opportunities for tribal youth, as well as the satisfaction of other needs such as housing and resources for the elderly. As the Tribe continues to advocate for these needs, we may expect to see furthered development in regards to federal recognition, as we have seen in the past. As the Tribe continues to meet its own internal needs, they are simultaneously drawn closer to federal recognition. Their ability to provide for and govern for themselves demonstrates their fulfillment of each of the federal acknowledgment requirements to the larger United States political system.

In document Thesis (Page 38-44)

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