What is emerging adulthood?

Emerging adulthood refers roughly to the period between the ages of 18 and 25. Research has shown that the majority of young people in this age group do not consider themselves as adults or adolescents, but rather as having reached adulthood in some respects while not in others (Arnett, 1997, 1998, 2000a, 2001; Arnett & Taber, 1994). More recent literature and research has demonstrated that the period of emerging adulthood may actually extend as far as age 29 (Arnett & Schwab, 2012; Arnett et al., 2014; Tanner, 2011), although in the current study participants were aged 18-25, in line with thinking at the time of data collection.

Arnett has identified five “features” of emerging adulthood; identity explorations, instability, self-focus, feeling in-between, and possibilities/optimism (Arnett, 2004, p. 8). The existence of five overarching features of emerging adulthood is not to say that all emerging adults experience these five features in the same way. In fact, evidence suggests wide variability in experiences and responses of young people to the emerging adulthood life stage (Nelson & Padilla-Walker, 2013; Osgood, Ruth, Eccles, Jacobs, & Barber, 2005; Shulman, Feldman, Blatt, Cohen, & Mahler, 2005).

A time of identity explorations

Identity exploration has historically been viewed as taking place in adolescence. Erikson’s (1950a) life span psychosocial theory identified the key challenge of adolescence as being the task of achieving identity synthesis as compared to identity confusion. Arnett argues that although identity exploration may start during adolescence, in modern times it is most intense during emerging adulthood, as this is when people “move toward making enduring choices in love, work, and ideology” (Arnett, 2014, p. 158). A National Survey of 1,009 18-29 years olds in the USA found that 77% agreed, somewhat or strongly, that “this is a time of life for finding out who I really am” (Arnett & Schwab, 2012). Identity explorations refers to the process of trying out and reviewing various options in terms of “what kind of person to be and what kind of life to live, specifically in the areas of love relationships, work, and ideology” (Arnett et al., 2014, p. 570).

While identity explorations in adolescence are often “transient and tentative”, in emerging adulthood they become more “serious and focused” (Arnett, 2000a, p. 473). Relationships tend to involve greater intimacy and are considered in terms of whether they could potentially represent a lifetime partnership. Explorations around work in emerging adulthood are more likely to involve consideration of whether a job could become a satisfying long-term career. Emerging adults also explore a variety of worldviews and may question the worldview of their childhood and adolescence, before committing themselves to an ideology, albeit with an expectation that their ideology will continue to evolve (Arnett, 2000a).

Marcia’s (1966) identity status model, which further operationalised the work of Erikson, has also received attention in recent times as remaining relevant to the period of emerging adulthood (Schwartz, Zamboanga, Luyckx, Meca, & Ritchie, 2013). Indeed, Marcia’s research was with 18-22 year olds, a group he termed at that time as “late adolescents” (Marcia, 1994), but who are now commonly referred to as emerging adults. Marcia’s model details four identity statuses: achievement, commitments made following exploration; moratorium, active exploration with an absence of achievement; foreclosure, commitments made without prior exploration; and diffusion, an absence of commitments along with little interest in exploration (Marcia, 1966). More recently, some of the barriers which may contribute to young people failing to reach identity achievement have been articulated. These include socio-economic status, educational opportunities, parental domination, geographic isolation, ethnicity, age, religion, gender, and the presence of physical limitations (Yoder, 2000). Conversely, research by Arnett and colleagues has identified that agency is one factor which positively influences identity development. Young people with higher levels of agency demonstrate positive identity exploration and flexible commitment (Schwartz, Côté, & Arnett, 2005).

Recent research in the area of identity formation has also identified that although the exploration of identity is exciting, it can be associated with confusion and symptoms of anxiety and depression (Arnett & Schwab, 2012; Twenge, 2013b). This is particularly the case for young people who find it hard to make choices or feel that their goals in love and work are unattainable (Arnett et al., 2014). Emerging adults with low levels of social support from family and friends are also more likely to experience reduced well-being during the transitions of emerging adulthood (Galambos, Barker, & Krahn, 2006; Murphy, Blustein, Bohlig, & Platt, 2010). Anxiety and depression are both common during emerging adulthood (Arnett & Schwab, 2012; Twenge, 2013b). In Australia, 26.4% of 16-24 year olds have a mental disorder, with anxiety and depression being the most common. This percentage is higher than in any other age group, and females fare particularly poorly (Slade et al., 2009). A national survey of 1029 emerging adults in the USA also identified that

anxiety and depression are more common in females, as well as in younger emerging adults, and people from lower socio-economic backgrounds (Arnett & Schwab, 2012). Others have reported related findings in relation to the influence of higher socio-economic status on increased well-being. It is reasonable to suggest that emerging adults from middle class backgrounds are more likely to be assisted financially by their parents to make a successful transition to adulthood, for example through support with education, housing, and transport (Galambos et al., 2006).

Evidence also suggests that mental health problems are more likely for emerging adults who do not have clear study or work roles, or who experience disruption to these roles, for example those experiencing long periods of unemployment (Aseltine & Gore, 2005; Galambos et al., 2006). Australian research with 8,749 emerging adult women (Bell & Lee, 2008) specifically explored stress during emerging adult transitions and identified similar findings; that high levels of stress are more likely when people do not make normative transitions, make them earlier than is normative, or revert to more “adolescent” statuses, such as moving back home (Bell & Lee, 2008). Qualitative research from the United Kingdom (UK) highlighted that unemployed emerging adults with mental illness felt suspended between adolescence and adulthood, “stagnated”, or even that they were “moving backward”. Participants also reported “feeling left behind” and excluded from their peer group (Cockshott, Kiemle, Byrne, & Gabbay, 2018, p. 5). Although the process of identity exploration can be anxiety-provoking, once a person is able to commit to a meaningful life purpose they are likely to experience increased well-being, self- esteem and life satisfaction (Luyckx, Schwartz, Goossens, & Pollock, 2008; Sumner, Burrow, & Hill, 2015).

In recent years research has specifically started to explore the effects of identity processes on the health-related behaviours of emerging adults with chronic health problems (Luyckx, Seiffge-Krenke, et al., 2008; Schwartz et al., 2013). For example emerging adults with diabetes who have not yet made identity commitments are more likely to report problems following their recommended diet (Luyckx, Seiffge-

Krenke, et al., 2008). The limited research in this area indicates that a well- established sense of identity may facilitate coping with the presence of a chronic health condition, help to provide a sense of meaning and purpose in life, and protect against emotional problems (Schwartz et al., 2013). Research is needed to identify whether this is the case for emerging adults with physical disabilities such as cerebral palsy. Exploration of identity through the study of life narratives has been identified as one useful approach to this work (Schwartz et al., 2013), and the current study contributes to this exploration. Exploring the narratives of emerging adults with CP also allows an understanding to be developed of the range of contextual factors that influence identity development. These may include environments, events, significant others, historical, cultural and social factors (Goosens & Phinney, 1996).

A time of instability

Emerging adulthood is characterised as a time of instability, when young people make frequent changes, particularly in relationships, love, work and living arrangements. In a National USA survey, 83% of respondents agreed with the statement “this time of my life is full of changes” (Arnett, 2014). Emerging adults know they should have a “Plan with a capital ‘P’” (Arnett, 2015, p. 11); an idea about the path they want to take toward adulthood. However, for most young people, this Plan is subject to numerous revisions during the period of emerging adulthood. For example, they may choose a tertiary course only to discover it is not what they hoped, end a relationship they thought was secure, change jobs or move house numerous times for study or work or to live with romantic partners. This instability plays a role in helping young people clarify who they are and the kind of future they want, but can also be a source of worry, stress and confusion (Arnett, 2015). This is particularly the case when changes are involuntary, for example when a partner ends a relationship or when an employer lays them off (Arnett et al., 2014).

A time of self-focus

Emerging adulthood is seen to be a self-focused age in that young people have fewer commitments and obligations to others, in comparison to childhood, adolescence and adulthood (Arnett, 2011, 2014, 2015). Even if still living in the family home, emerging adults are generally free to come and go as they please, without having to justify their whereabouts or be home at a certain time. They may have obligations to an employer, but given the often transient nature of employment during emerging adulthood, young people are likely to feel less obligated to their employer than they will in adulthood after having settled into a long-term occupation. There are few rules and much freedom for emerging adults to make their own decisions. They build their independence and self-sufficiency during emerging adulthood, prior to making enduring commitments to others – children, partners, long-term employers – during adulthood (Arnett, 2011, 2014, 2015; Arnett et al., 2014).

In a recent USA National Survey of 1009 emerging adults, 71% agreed that “this is a time of life for focusing on myself” (Arnett, 2014). This level of self-focus is in contrast to childhood and adolescence, when young people must still respond to the demands of parents and schools (Arnett et al., 2014), although 30% of emerging adults still believe their parents are more involved in their lives than they would like. Regardless, emerging adults still generally feel close to their parents, and 76% believe they get along a lot better than they did as adolescents (Arnett & Schwab, 2012). Often this improved relationship is attributed to an increase in distance, with emerging adults moving out of home to study or work (Lefkowitz, 2005). Parents and emerging adult children seem to value their time together more when effort is required to maintain contact. In emerging adulthood, young people are more able to understand the point of view of their parents, and parents are more likely to take their child’s point of view seriously (Arnett, 2015). Relationships are also seen to improve once young people commence full-time work, as financial dependence is reduced and their roles become more similar to those of their parents (Buhl, 2007).

Arnett is quick to reinforce that the self-focus of emerging adulthood is not a synonym for selfishness, although other researchers have suggested that emerging adults are, in fact, selfish (eg: Twenge, 2013a). Arnett believes that it is wise for emerging adults to explore various options before making independent and enduring decisions as they move into adulthood. He also reinforces that emerging adults place a high value on community, that they are more likely than previous young people to participate in community service and volunteering, and that in one USA survey, 86% agreed that they wanted to have a job that “does some good in the world” (Arnett, 2014). Relevant to the current study, recent research has highlighted that emerging adults with disabilities are a group who are more likely to demonstrate higher levels of other-focus than their peers without disability (Nario- Redmond & Oleson, 2016). Qualitative research with emerging adults with varying disabilities similarly established that demonstrating an “altruistic sense of duty” toward others living with disabilities was a goal of many of the 31 participants. Participants reported the desire to use their other-focus to help other young people in future by sharing learnings from their own experience (Mannino, 2015, p. e137).

A time of feeling in-between

Emerging adulthood is a time when most young people feel they are on the way to adulthood, but not there yet. It is a gradual process that has been described as “long and winding” (Arnett, 2014, p. 159). Research in this area has consistently showed that when emerging adults are asked whether they feel they have reached adulthood, the most common response is “in some ways yes, in some ways no”. An Australian study of 247 emerging adults aged 18-25 found 50.2% answered this way, with 45.3% answering “yes” and 4.5% “no” (Griffin et al., 2007). In a National USA survey of 1009 people, 45% identified “in some ways yes, in some ways no” as their response. This increased to 62% of those aged 18-21, and decreased to 30% of those aged 26-29. By ages 26-29, 68% of young people felt they had reached adulthood (Arnett & Schwab, 2012). Other research has found similar trends, with people gradually more likely to describe themselves as an adult with increasing age (Weier & Lee, 2015). In one American study, only 19% of 13-19 year olds felt they were adult, compared to 46% of 20-29 year olds and 86% of 30-55 year olds (Arnett,

2001). Often the sense of feeling in-between during emerging adulthood relates to an ongoing reliance in some ways on parents (Arnett, 2014).

A time of possibilities and optimism

Emerging adulthood is seen to be “the age of possibilities, when many different futures remain open, when little about a person’s direction in life has been decided for certain. It tends to be an age of high hopes and great expectations” (Arnett, 2004, p. 16). It is also a time of struggle and stress for many young people; one National USA survey found that 72% of respondents agreed that emerging adulthood is stressful. Regardless, it is a time of high optimism, with 89% of emerging adults agreeing that “I am confident that someday I will get what I want out of life” and 77% believing “overall, my life will be better than my parents’ lives have been” (Arnett, 2014). Many believe their lives will be better in a number of ways: financially, in relation to career achievement, and in relation to personal relationships (Arnett, 2000b). Arnett states that a significant contributing factor to this optimism about the future is that many have received more education than their parents did, and that they correctly perceive a strong correlation between education level and occupational and financial success (Arnett, 2014).

Other authors have labelled these high hopes as being narcissistic (Twenge, 2013a), a claim that Arnett refutes and believes promotes an unwarranted negative view of emerging adults (Arnett, 2007d, 2010). He says “rather than scoffing at their naiveté, perhaps it would be wiser to see their optimism as a psychological resource that they can draw upon” during times of challenge (Arnett & Schwab, 2012, p. 19). Although emerging adults may be more self-confident and assertive than in the past, Arnett cites reduced impulsive risk-taking behaviour, increased volunteering, and greater tolerance and acceptance of difference as evidence that today’s emerging adults are not, as a group, narcissistic and egocentric (Arnett, 2013). Others have reflected that emerging adults’ capacity to demonstrate optimism in relation to their future, even in spite of difficult previous or current experiences, is a sign of a high level of resilience within this group (Murphy et al., 2010). Protective factors contributing to resilience include intelligence, the presence of at least one

loving relationship with a parent or other adult, religious faith, and personality characteristics including optimism and determination (Arnett, 2015). Arnett believes however, there are additional factors that are distinct to the period of emerging adulthood. These include the ability to leave home, particularly when the situation at home is difficult or destructive, growing cognitive development, particularly a growing understanding of abilities and an appreciation of capacity to change, and an ability to incorporate negative past events into a positive identity (Arnett, 2015).