Emerging adulthood in vulnerable populations

The change in conceptualisation of what it means to be an adult that has taken place over recent years and the rise of research on emerging adulthood also has significant implications for vulnerable emerging adults. Groups who have been identified within literature as being vulnerable include people with disabilities and mental health problems, those aging out of care, the homeless, people from low socio-economic backgrounds, and those coming out of the criminal justice system (Foster & Gifford, 2005; Osgood, Foster, & Courtney, 2010). These groups are recognised to face additional barriers over and above those experienced by all

emerging adults. These may include such factors as a history of trauma, specific challenges due to disability, a lack of familial support, or constraints within the service systems designed to support them (Osgood et al., 2010). Emerging adulthood presents challenges for vulnerable young people, which are now briefly discussed. However, opportunities and factors indicative of a positive outcome have also been identified, and these too are introduced.

Challenges for vulnerable emerging adults

While research indicates that emerging adulthood is a positive period for most young people, leading to increases in self-esteem and well-being, there is evidence that this is less likely the case for people from vulnerable populations (Arnett, 2007c). Evidence of outcomes, albeit limited, suggest that youth from vulnerable populations fare poorly during the transition to adulthood in comparison to their peers. They are less likely to have completed education, more likely to be unemployed and rely on income support, and less likely to have achieved residential stability (Foster & Gifford, 2005). Implications of disability may make it harder for young people to acquire the skills needed to achieve a level of independence and make a successful transition to adulthood. These challenges can also be compounded by concurrent loss of access to paediatric services (Osgood et al., 2010).

Evidence suggests that parents’ education level and income play a significant role in the transition to adulthood of their children. Young people from more advantaged families are more likely to have a successful transition, more likely to participate in higher education and receive significantly more material assistance from their parents (Schoeni & Ross, 2005). People experiencing social, personal or family problems during adolescence and emerging adulthood, in contrast, may have reduced family support at the same time as they age out of services they may have been accessing during adolescence (Marcotte, 2008). They may be less likely to successfully complete education, and more likely to experience unemployment. These factors can put vulnerable young people at greater risk of mental health

problems, antisocial behaviour, drug and alcohol use, and unsatisfactory relationships (Marcotte, 2008).

Positive indicators and opportunities for vulnerable emerging adults

It is known that some vulnerable young people do manage to make a successful transition regardless of the barriers they faced. Those who succeed demonstrate such personality traits as persistence, confidence and resilience (Osgood et al., 2010). Many factors contribute to a young person’s level of resilience, or ability to overcome difficulties and bounce back quickly from adversity. These include their own skills and personality type, motivation, perseverance and patience, social support from family, friends, and the broader community, and active involvement in the community (Hinton & Meyer, 2014; Mannino, 2015; Osgood et al., 2010). Relationships with others are particularly salient during the period of emerging adulthood, as young people’s relationship with their parents evolves. Those who are able to maintain effective connections with their parents, build new adult friendships and romantic relationships, and have supportive relationships with teachers, colleagues and other adults, are likely to experience positive transitions (Burt & Paysnick, 2012). Higher levels of autonomy, self-determination, future- motivation, and well-developed coping skills are also indicators of better outcomes in the transition to adulthood. However, factors out of young people’s control are also seen to play a role in transition outcomes. These include intellectual capacity, parenting quality and socio-economic status during childhood (Masten, 2004).

The expanded conceptualisation of what it means to be an adult within the theory of emerging adulthood also offers opportunities for vulnerable groups. The traditional view of key milestones being indicators of adult status had the potential to exclude people who may never reach some or any of these milestones, including people with disabilities like CP (Priestley, 2000). For example, research with 635 young people aged 21-25 (including n=18 with CP) found that young people with disability were significantly less likely than their peers without disability to have

acquired a social role such as participating in competitive employment or being a caregiver. People with little independence in their daily lives and activities were particularly at risk (Van Naarden Braun, Yeargin-Allsopp, & Lollar, 2005). The contemporary view that personal characteristics, rather than specific milestones, are the key to attainment of adult status, is more inclusive of people with lifelong disabilities. For example, many people with CP can take responsibility and make independent decisions even if they then require assistance to carry out activities and participate in society (Galambos, Darrah, & Magill-Evans, 2007). Similarly, recognition that ongoing identity exploration, frequent changes of direction, and extended periods of living with parents are common to many during emerging adulthood, has been identified as “normalising” common experiences of emerging adults with disability (Hinton & Meyer, 2014, p. 149).

It has been noted that particular attention should be given to learning about the experiences of disadvantaged groups during emerging adulthood, and to identifying what can be done to ameliorate negative experiences and enhance positive ones during this important life stage for vulnerable young people (Cote, 2006). Hinton and Meyer (2014) focus particularly on the need to explore emerging adulthood for those living with disability. They emphasise that the theory of emerging adulthood provides “a new vantage point and foundation on which to build successful services for young adults with disabilities, but empirical research is needed to guide our understanding and development of appropriate services for this population” (Hinton & Meyer, 2014, p. 154). Yi, Tian and Kim (2017) highlight the importance of such research focusing not only on the challenges of living with disability or chronic illness during emerging adulthood. They emphasise the need to also explore opportunities, and the strengths that emerging adults may develop in spite of, or even because of, their disability (Yi, Tian, & Kim, 2017). The current study contributes to this gap in research knowledge through exploring the first-hand experiences of emerging adults with cerebral palsy.

It is clear from the above discussion that a person’s capacity to engage and participate in all aspects of their life is an important influence on their experiences

and outcomes during emerging adulthood. To comprehensively explore the experiences of emerging adults with CP, an additional framework is required to guide the research to ensure consideration of the wide range of factors which influence a person’s participation in meaningful activities and their communities. A highly accepted 21st _{Century framework detailing such factors in the areas of health}

and disability is the World Health Organisation’s ICF. The following section introduces this framework.