Family-orientated migration

Family migration should also be acknowledged here as it is relevant to recent Polish migration to the UK (White, 2011). Family migration can include a whole family relocating together or individuals from a family moving to reform a pre-existing partnership or family; thus, it includes migration for the purpose of family reunion (e.g. women/men joining their husbands/wives abroad) (cf. social network approach, section 4.3.4). However, in order to clearly grasp what this entails, a definition of a ‘family’ is needed. Whilst traditionally the family was recognised as heterosexual couples with or without children, new partnering and

88 parenting styles call for that definition to be revisited (Fraser, 2013). Nevertheless, this research focuses on precisely that – heterosexual families; thus with regards to this research, the traditional definition still stands.

Family migration can also refer to grandparents (parents and/or other relatives) moving in order to support their adult children with childcare (i.e. give and/or receive care) in the latter’s country of residence (Smith, 2011). The great complexity of family migration is emphasised by the ‘dual-location household’ whereby partners reside in two different locations and undertake journeys of varying frequency to visit and stay with the other family members (ibid.). It is noteworthy that: “new forms of family migration are important since they may point to the (re)constitution of different gender and power relations within migrant families” (Smith, 2011, p. 655). Being mobile provides an opportunity to observe new living arrangements and may lead to the acquisition of new gender order within families, as already acknowledged (further discussions in chapter eight).

Women migrants were traditionally considered followers of male pioneer migrants; thus, family migration is often linked to the phenomenon of ‘trailing wives’ (Bruegel, 1996; Cooke, 2001). This signifies migrant women as ‘tied movers’ who would not become mobile if it was not for the fact that they are in a relationship with someone who could be identified as a pioneer migrant (Cooke, 2001). However, family migration may have an undesirable effect on a woman’s employment, especially when she exchanges financial independence for dependence (Ho, 2006). These negative consequences can be prevented in a situation in which the woman’s human capital surpasses that of her husband (Cooke, 2001). However, it can be argued that these effects vary depending on whether the mobile women in question are mothers or not. If they are mothers they are likely to suffer greater consequences than childless women (ibid.).

4.7 Conclusion

This chapter has reviewed theories of migration and considered their relevance and applicability to Polish nationals’ (women’s particularly) migratory movements post 2004 between Poland and the UK. Classic and more contemporary migration theories have been considered, together with certain other types and patterns of migration that are particularly relevant to this research. Classic migration theories, social network approach and transnationalism were critically analysed in relation to their applicability to post 2004 Polish migration to the UK. With regard to the migratory movements between Poland and the UK which appear to be often explained in

89 purely economic terms, signifying economic reductionism other factors may play a part (e.g. adventure, curiosity, education, networks). Whilst recent Polish migrants are mostly economic migrants, their social networks remain a significant factor in their movements. In this chapter gendered perspectives on migration were considered as, arguably, classic migration theories are gender-blind. Migration from a gendered perspective was outlined: the invisibility of women in migration was acknowledged and a male bias among migration theorists was emphasised; feminisation of migration was noted. Lastly, migrant women as gendered social actors were explored, and the influence of migration on gender roles was investigated. The literature seems to indicate that migration may have a wide-ranging influence on gender roles: from emancipation to the strengthening of women’s roles. Chapter five moves on to consider the research methodology.

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CHAPTER FIVE: Methodology

5.1 Introduction

The previous chapters have set the scene with regard to what is known about migration between Poland and the UK (chapter two), and women’s gendered lives (chapter three); and what is relevant in explaining contemporary migratory moves (chapter four). The following chapter is devoted to the methodological considerations underpinning the research and the methods used to generate empirical data. Having outlined the research aim and objectives in chapter one, the purpose of this chapter is to provide a detailed description and rationale of the processes involved in data collection and analysis and to relate this to the philosophical and methodological standpoints.

The chapter is structured as follows. First, the ontological and epistemological standpoints are discussed. After that, my roles as a researcher and reflexivity in the research process are explored. Following that, the research methodology is clarified and the research questions are stated. Then the chosen research methods, including a literature review and qualitative interviews, are explained. This is followed by a discussion on the pilot study, locating potential respondents and the sample size and its characteristics. After that, a discussion on field notes and ethical considerations is provided. Then, data handling and the process of data analysis and transcription are explained. Lastly, potential research limitations are considered; and at the very end, conclusions are provided.