Follow-up is it: background information and definitions

Fowler’s, the AHDEL and online versions of the OED and the Urban Dictionary were consulted for British and US/Canadian English usages of is it while the OED-SA and online version of the DSAE were referenced for usage specific to SAfE. As previously noted (Section 2.3.2), some follow-ups have been found to develop from their use as tags (Andersen, 2001: 110); as such, this section begins with information about tag is it before presenting that for follow-up is it.

The use of is it (and other realisations such as isn’t it and were they) as a paradigmatic tag to turn a declarative statement into an interrogative, is familiar in most varieties of English. The invariant form of tag is it is less common but known to be used among specific demographics in certain regions of the UK such as areas in London and Wales (“is-it”, 2009). This use is presented in example (46) in which was I is grammatically expected:

(46)

I was talking in my sleep then, is it? (“is-it”, 2009)

As one can see from example (46), it is possible that in some instances invariant tag is it may represent an unarticulated or implied referent to the hearer, such as is [that the accusation you are making]? Similarly, in Irish and Scottish English, the non-paradigmatic form of tag is it is commonly used “in response to a previous statement” and to express “surprise, disbelief, distain, etc.” (“is- it”, 2009) as in example (47):

(47)

‘But what about your old Father, Beulah?..’ Gertie asked ‘Oh, him is it?’ Beulah was not to be distracted (“is-it”, 2009)

Tokens in examples (46) and (47) also suggest how prosody plays an integral part in the hearer’s inference of speaker intent, thus highlighting the significance and usefulness of audio recordings in the analytical process.

Non-paradigmatic invariant tags is it and isn’t it are also used by SAfE speakers. The latter of these two tags is shown in example (48) in place of aren’t they:

(48)

The de Mussy fellow and that Portuguese chap, they are good swimmers, isn't it? (“is-it”, 2009) Regarding is it used as a non-paradigmatic follow-up, the OED notes use by both British Afro- Caribbean English and SAfE speakers as shown in example (49), dated from 1970. This example shows the PM used in place of are you.

(49)

I’m going to town this morning Is it? (“is-it”, 2009)152

The OED suggests that the SAfE use of invariant follow-up is it developed from the cross- linguistic influence of the similar Afrikaans item, is dit? (/ˈǝsǝt/), which is also used both as a tag and follow-up and is translationally equivalent to ‘is that so?’. In fact, the Afrikaans is dit is most likely a shortened form of is dit so (English: is that so) (cf. “is-it”, 1996).

Like the OED, the OED-SA and DSAE link the SAfE use of invariant follow-up is it, as well as the non-paradigmatic tag isn’t it as in (48), with the Afrikaans is dit?.153 _{The OED-SA notes that} invariant follow-up is it originates partially from the translation of the Afrikaans is dit? and partially from the use of is it in English as a tag question (Van Niekerk & Wolvaardt, 2013: 617). The DSAE refers to its invariant use as a “colloquialism” and describes it as a “rhetorical expression” that conveys “polite interest, astonishment, or incredulity” (“is-it”, 1996). Additionally, both the tag and follow-up may function as a face-saving device, a kind of linguistic façade uttered when the speaker is unsure of the hearer’s background knowledge or understanding or when she is unsure of how to respond to a previous speaker. The DSAE provides example (50) of follow-up is it dated from 1970:

(50)

I came by car you know. Oh, is it? (“is-it”, 1996)

The OED provides a phonetic transcription that is specific to the SAfE follow-up is it: [ˈəsət]. This transcription provides further evidence of its linkage to the Afrikaans is dit of identical general pronunciation. From personal experience in the Western Cape, as well as from consultations with SAfE speakers, primary stress of follow-up is it may be placed on either syllable, and the pronunciation suggested by the OED is but one of many: [əsət], [əsɪt], [əzət], [ˈɪsǝt], [ɪzǝt], [ɪzɪt].154

152 _{Example (49) appears to be one of SAfE usage as the DSAE (“is-it”, 1996) gives this same example,}

referencing it from Beeton and Dorner (1970: 33).

153 _{The DSAE (“is-it”, 1996) provides this earlier example of SAfE non-paradigmatic tag isn’t it from Drum:}

A Venture into the New Africa by Anthony Sampson (1956): The English just use long words and big talk, isn’t it?

154 It is of course also possible that these phonetic judgments have been influenced by auditory expectations

Although proximate phonetic context can affect speech sound production, it is an unlikely cause of these variations since follow-up is it is often spoken in isolation. A more likely explanation for this variation, however, is that change rarely occurs uniformly in a community; perhaps this is particularly true in a multilingual one. Therefore, it is more probable that the variations correspond with the varying degrees of phonological influence or preference from the speaker’s language background. Such influences or preferences may be guided by Afrikaans and/or English, any one or more of South Africa’s other official languages or one or more of its non-official languages (e.g., German, Portuguese). In essence, the pronunciation used for follow-up is it may hinge on the speaker’s phonological proximity to her home language and/or her connection with a specific pronunciation preference within her community. So, for example, the more Afrikaans phonological influence in the speaker’s background, the more likely the vowels will be centralised, the sibilant, /s/, voiceless and the plosive, /t/, released/aspirated; the more English phonological influence, the more likely the vowels will be raised and fronted, the sibilant voiced and, possibly, the plosive unreleased.155

In terms of delivery, the SAfE production of follow-up is it has a descending prosodic contour when the primary stress is on the first syllable; in which case the vowel sound in the second syllable falls somewhere on a continuum of quickly spoken to distinctly drawn out. When the primary stress is placed on the second syllable, [əˈsəːtʰ], the second vowel is typically drawn out, the sibilant is unvoiced, and the pitch contour is bell-shaped. This production appears to be more characteristic of Afrikaans phonology than of English and may reflect prosodic retention of the lengthier is dit so (cf. “is-it”, 1996).156

There is no mention in the AHDEL and Fowler’s of is it, as a single entity, used either as a tag or a follow-up (i.e., response).157 _{Most comments made in The Urban Dictionary appear to describe} the use of follow-up is it from the perspective of English varieties spoken in the UK.158 _One comment adds a slightly different pragmatic interpretation, describing follow-up is it as a positive

155 _{The phones /z/ and /ɪ/ are more common in English than in Afrikaans.}

156 _{The production of /s/ following a vowel is more common in Afrikaans than in English.}

157 _{As will be shown in Section 5.3.2, it is not for lack of use as a tag and follow-up that is it is not presented}

or defined in the AHDEL and Fowler’s. It is assumed that its absence indicates only that it has not been found to be used widely in a non-paradigmatic manner.

158 _{This assumption is based on references to specific geographical areas in the UK as well as slang that is}

present in the provided examples and comments, attributed to certain varieties of English spoken in the UK and not associated with SAfE (e.g., use of crisps for a bag of chips; the attention-getter Oi).

utterance, “used in recognition to others in conversation”. This comment suggests a function of politeness, active listenership and inclusivity (“is-it”, n.d.).

To conclude, definitions and etymological information suggest that although invariant follow-up is it is found in a specific variety of London English with attributed Afro-Caribbean origin, a different source is believed to have contributed toward the development of the SAfE version: the cross-linguistic influence of the Afrikaans is dit?. This influence is evidenced by a history of English-Afrikaans language contact in South Africa and similarities in pronunciation and prosodic use.

Based on the literature and presented etymological information, the SAfE invariant follow-up is it appears to have a longer history of use than the London English version. As evidence, Andersen (2001) documents broad use of invariant follow-up is it in the 1990s, but only among adolescents in specific communities. By comparison, the DSAE provides examples of invariant follow-up is it used in SAfE as early as 1970. This evidence is corroborated by observations reported by Trudgill and Hannah (1982: 26); thus it is assumed the SAfE version developed some decades before the London English version. This observation is noteworthy not only because it provides evidence that the SAfE version developed first, but because despite having developed apart, at different times and under different multilingual conditions, the two versions appear to have functionally developed more-or-less in parallel. Lastly, a presumption can be made that the developments resulted in part because use of invariant tags and follow-ups has been found to be common in multi-ethnic communities and linked to multilingualism and dialect-contact. This finding is in keeping with and descriptive of both the South African urban environment and communities in London where invariant follow-up is it also developed.