Home language as a medium of instruction in science

In Chapter 2 a lot has been said about the benefits of mother tongue education. This section seeks to put special emphasis on learning science through the medium of home language. Literature cited in Chapter 2 indicates that many developed countries which are advanced in science and technology make use of their own languages as media of instruction (Mazrui, 2002, Skutnabb-Kangas, 1999; Soepadmo, 1981). The same literature points to the fact that the majority of developing countries still use foreign languages (e.g. English, French or Portuguese) as languages of instruction which sometimes alienates learners in the classroom.

With regard to development in science, Soepadmo (1981:278) claims that the developed countries have made better progress than developing countries because they use their national languages as media of instruction and scientific communication. Hence they are able to invent new ideas and introduce new scientific theories. On the other hand, the

developing countries are faced with problems of scientific terminology and cultural changes because their local languages are not used as vehicles for the expression of science (Suhaimi, 1981:272).

According to Nababan (1981:18) the child’s home language lays the foundation of a person’s world-view and perception. With regard to mother tongue education in science, O-saki (2005:11) mentions his personal experience of learning science through the medium of his home language in the lower grades, although he had to shift to English from Grade 5. What is interesting about his experience is the fact that as he interacted with his grandparents and the environment, he could gather a rich bank of scientific vocabulary and (cooking) skills that still made sense to him later in his life (e.g. 13 varieties for the English word “banana tree”). Although such indigenous knowledge is usually labeled as being primitive in the classroom, O-saki’s experience and his prosperity in life, within the science field in particular, may be an indication that indigenous knowledge that the learners bring to the classroom can form a basis for understanding modern science. Hence he writes thus:

…by abolishing the vernacular and despising Kiswahili in the schools science and technology are buried alive, as there are several other ideas learned in these languages but which cannot be translated into English…Thus the policy of de-emphasizing African languages in favour of English ruins Africa’s chances of being innovative in science and technology, as all indigenous ideas are not available to the younger generation. The younger generation, taught by teachers who themselves have lost most indigenous knowledge and understand little of western science (other than memorized definitions), is lost in a concept mapping that is too foreign to their culture and experience (O-saki, 2005: 51-52).

As indicated in 4.4 above, the different world-views of science touch on the importance of traditional and indigenous knowledge systems in education (RNCS, 2002:11). As indicated in O-saki’s statement above, IKS can be better understood in one’s mother tongue as it has cultural connotations. This traditional worldview (IKS) can also be associated with the third Learning Outcome (LO 3) of the Natural Sciences: understanding the interrelationships between science and technology, society and the environment. One aspect of LO 3 is based on traditional technologies that may reflect people’s wisdom and experience. It reads as follows:

Indigenous or traditional technologies and practices in South Africa were not just ways of knowing and thinking. Traditional technologies and practices often reflect the wisdom of people who have lived a long time in one place and have a great deal of knowledge about their environment… Much valuable wisdom has been lost in South Africa in the past 300 years, and effort is needed now to rediscover it and to examine its value for the present day (RNCS, 2002:10).

The current situation of integrating school science with Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) in the new South African science curriculum seems to pose a challenge not only to teachers, but also to science educators who seem not to be competent enough to train teachers on the implementation of an integrated science/indigenous curriculum (Ogunniyi, 2005).

In his study with science teachers, Ogunniyi (2005) assessed teachers’ understanding of the Nature of Science (NOS) and Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS). According to Ogunniyi (2005) one of the initial concerns of the teachers in implementing the science/IKS curriculum was their inability to communicate science in the nine indigenous languages of South Africa. In Ogunniyi’s study (2005) the teachers showed their awareness of the link between IKS and learners’ home languages where the nine indigenous languages are not used as languages of learning beyond Grade 4. Interestingly, the results of Ogunniyi’s (2005) study show that the teachers became “converted” to the notion of IKS as they began to raise concerns about how they were going to convey their knowledge of the IKS to the advantage of their learners, especially those in traditional communities. Their perceptions of the IKS as “superstitions” changed, and they realized the importance of human experience in science. As a result, the teachers called for more training and in-service workshops in the IKS area (Ogunniyi, 2005:18).

Many research studies relate the use of the learners’ mother tongue in teaching with better academic performance at school (Galabawa & Lwaitama, 2005; Langenhoven, 2005; Malekela, 2004; Malekela, 2003; Mwinsheikhe, 2003). All theses studies focused on science teaching (including Biology) in Tanzania and South Africa, except Malekela’s studies that focused on English Proficiency testing and on students’ performance in the Certificate of Secondary Education Examination (CSEE) in Tanzania. Langenhoven’s

(2005:287) results, in particular, show a pass rate of 79% by Grade 4 learners who were taught through the medium of isiXhosa in one school, and a pass rate of 37% in the English stream. Other South African studies show similar results, though they focused on History and Mathematics taught in African languages (isiXhosa and Sesotho) and English (conducted in different areas of South Africa) in the 1990s by Sentson (1994) and Mckay & De Klerk (1996).

Prophet and Dow (1994) also conducted a study that focused on the impact of the language of instruction on learners’ science concept development in Botswana. The results of the study show that the learners who were taught science through the medium of Setswana, their mother tongue, performed better than their counterparts who were taught through the medium of English. Also, the Setswana group showed better understanding of concepts than those who were taught in English (Prophet & Dow, 1994:214). In their study they concluded that science concept attainment is significantly enhanced when junior secondary school students are allowed to use their mother tongue. When junior secondary school students are taught science in English, there is no significant improvement in their understanding of science concepts (Prophet & Dow, 1994:215). So the learner’s mother tongue appears to enhance better understanding of science.

However, there are other challenges with regard to the use of African languages as languages of learning and teaching, especially in science. Some of these challenges are discussed in the first chapter, and they include the following: (i) lack of teaching and learning materials in African languages; (ii) limited scientific vocabulary in African languages (for example, one word may mean several things in science, e.g. power, energy, force, etc.); (iii) learners’ underdeveloped literacy skills in their mother tongue, (iv) teaching approaches used by the teachers in the classroom, and many others.

In the context of this study, the experimental group learners were provided with science materials in their mother tongue (isiXhosa), but other challenges such as the lack of science laboratories could not be addressed as part of this study. Therefore, the contribution of this study towards the complex issue of isiXhosa as a medium of

instruction in science occurred on a very small scale considering other challenges which relate to the teaching of science in general. All these factors have a negative impact on the development of African languages as languages of learning and teaching, especially in science. Guided by the research question(s) and objectives underpinning this study, only some of the challenges are addressed.

4.6.2 English as a medium of instruction in science

There is evidence of better learning taking place in the mother tongue as discussed in the section above. Foreign language(s) as language(s) of instruction, on the other hand, seem to be barrier(s) to children’s learning. Many scholars have found that learning in a foreign language (English) prevents learners’ easy accessing of knowledge (Brock-Utne, 2004; Senkoro, 2004; Mwinsheikhe, 2003). The observations by the scholars mentioned above were made in Tanzania where English is supposed to be the medium of instruction in secondary schools. Mwinsheike (2003), in particular, observed that English was not only a barrier to learning in general, but also to conceptualizing science knowledge. As discussed in the preceding sections, learners can learn meaningfully through the language they know well, which is usually their mother tongue. That is, the learners’ mother tongue is a vehicle of knowledge construction. Brock-Utne (2004:60) refers to English used as a medium of instruction as a language of “destruction” (instead of construction) because it blocks the learners’ potential in attaining the intended outcomes of the learning process. In support of the notion of “knowledge destruction” suggested by Brock-Utne (2004), Senkoro (2004:44) writes thus:

It is next to impossible for one to inherit a philosophical and moral construction of the world, and to be empowered so that one can form and manipulate concepts if all these are delivered through a medium that one has not fully grasped and does not fully understand. For, indeed, one can only define the world through a language most clear to oneself. Lemmer (1996:336) mentions learners’ emotional trauma that surrounds African children, especially those that live in the townships. These children are always exposed to violence in the places where they live. In the classroom environment they experience frustration “from the experience of knowing the answer but not having adequate

vocabulary to express it. Stress can affect children’s academic progress negatively, especially their acquisition of English” (Lemmer, 1996:336).

The use of a foreign language in education has implications not for learning only, but also for teaching as well. As mentioned in the previous chapter, it appears that some African teachers who are supposed to teach in foreign languages (e.g. English) have limited proficiency in such languages. Research studies show that due to limited proficiency in English, some teachers resort to coping strategies such as code-switching and direct translation (Mwinsheikhe, 2003, Brock-Utne, 2004; Vuzo, 2005, Holmarsdottir, 2005). Holmarsdottir’s (2005) study focuses on three South African schools in Western Cape townships where the majority of teachers and learners are mother tongue speakers of isiXhosa. The other three studies reflect teachers’ practices in Tanzania where Kiswahili is widely used as a national language by both teachers and learners (Mwinsheikhe, 2003; Brock-Utne, 2004; Vuzo, 2005). What all these studies imply is that it is not only learners who experience difficulties in learning through English (a foreign language), but that teachers also find it difficult to teach through the medium of English. The question that remains is: to what extent is teaching and learning effective in cases where both the teachers and learners struggle to communicate through the (English) language of instruction?

Lemmer (1996:330) also mentions the teachers’ limited proficiency in English for effective teaching in South African black schools in particular. This kind of handicap is attributed to the fact that teacher training does not empower (African) teachers with principles of language acquisition. As a result, teachers often lack the ability to support English language learning or to teach literacy skills across the curriculum (Lemmer, 1996:330).

It is, however, imperative to acknowledge that teachers and learners can also experience problems in science while using a common language, i.e. a language which is the mother tongue of both the teacher and the learner. For instance, English L1 speakers can encounter problems in communicating science knowledge to English L1 learners depending on the concepts being taught, the teacher’s and learners’ level of

understanding of the concepts, or how complex the concepts or vocabulary are, and the context in which those concepts are used. By implication, communication breakdowns are not necessarily due to a mismatch between the learners’ or teacher’s home language and the language of instruction, but may arise from other factors such as unfamiliar vocabulary or concepts used, or as a result of dialectal variation.

In the context of this research, English appears to be a barrier to teaching and learning. Therefore, for effective teaching and learning, it is imperative that teachers should be empowered with appropriate skills to teach in the learners’ mother tongue, as well as in English. This calls for change and reflection in teaching styles, with an underpinning knowledge of approaches that can promote scientific literacy. The following section focuses on some approaches that may encourage creativity in the science classroom, without, of course, ignoring the underlying problem of the language used to teach science.

4.7 Approaches to creative teaching and learning in science