I the implementation of the Galbally Report, for, like many involved with

this area, most of them see multiculturalism as replacing the assimilationist

policies of the 1950s and 1960s. But the ideas underlying these concepts are

not necessarily mutually exclusive: multiculturalism unintentionally can be

and often is a new concept for an old idea. Holistic multiculturalism, primarily concerned with cultural diversity (cf. the Galbally Report) will not change the Anglo-Australian dominant opportunity structure.

CONCLUSION

Australian ethnic relations represent the outcome of various social structures and processes. These social forces include the class structure and the Anglo-Australian economic, political, social and legal domination as well as the previous hegemonic consequences which result from such a structure. The control of economic and political power carries with it the right to define the location and social perception of other categories

156

which are economically and politically subordinate. A review of the

history of ethnic relations in this country has shown how some of these

forces have developed and interacted to produce the ethnic effect in 1980.

This effect can be summarised in diagramatic form as follows:

FIGURE 5.3 THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE ETHNIC EFFECT OF AUSTRALIAN

ETHNIC RELATIONS

_______________________ Period__________________

Definition of migrants 1800 1850 1900 1950 1960 1970

Sources of cheap labour _______________________________________________

Competitors for jobs _______________________________

Racism/inferiority- superiority _______________________________ White Australia _______________________________ 'Populate or perish' _____ Assimilate! ______________ Social problems ____________ Disadvantaged minorities _____________ Multiculturalism Ethnic rights

There are a number of aspects of this historical development which can

be pointed out. Firstly, various definitions of migrants arc not

necessarily mutually exclusive, but can co-exist, e.g., compel i I or:; for

jobs - racism. Secondly, certain definitions tend to co-exist as 'natural'

couplings, e.g., competition for jobs - racism; white Australia - populate;

disadvantaged minorities - social problems; assimilation - integration/

natural because they are consistent with the problematic in which they are

located. Elaboration of the logic and content of some of these

problematics appeared earlier, e.g., assimilation-integration in the

discussion of Robert Park's work. Thirdly, these definitions and couplings

often contain internal contradictions which only appear under rigorous

systematic scrutiny. It is precisely because of the lack of such scrutiny

that these definitions are able to be perpetuated by the ruling class.

But this brief overview of some of the major social, economic and polit.i cal

forces which have given rise to the ethnic effect in Australian society,

tells only a small part of the story. For a more extensive picture of a

sociology of Australian ethnic relations, much more information is required

Such information would include analysis of the location of ethnic groups in

the social system and greater consideration of the structural component of

Australian ethnic relations. In short, a more detailed analysis of ethnic

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FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER FIVE

1 This brief outline of the beginnings of Australian capitalism is

intended to simply provide the foundation for an analysis of the develox^ment of the ethnic effect and the location of migrants in the Australian social system. For a detailed study of these aspects and an extension of the analysis into later periods of Australian history see Wild (1978); Ward (1969); Wheelwright and Buckley (1975, 1978a, 1978b); Connell(1977); McQueen (1977); Clark (1963).

2 For instance one political cartoon which appeared in The Worker in

1892 showed a Chinese man panning for gold with Kanaka labourers

cutting cane in the background and an Australian pondering a sign which says: 'Wanted: Shearers and Station Hands. No White Man Need Apply'

(Markus, 1979:26). For an excellent collection of these 'powerful' cartoons on racial and ethnic relations of this period, see Markus, 1979.

3 The term 'White Australia' has never appeared in any Federal or State

legislation (Australia, 1973).

4 'Stamping' referred to marking the furniture with the name and

nationality of the manufacturer. Markus says that this practice:

Would not only allow peox>le 'to support their own brethren', but would also be a device to raise standards by establishing a name for the better manufacturers (Markus, 1979:165).

5 See Markus again, Fear and Hatred, for examples of some of the vivid political cartoons on this theme which appeared in the x^ess at the time. The cover of this text shows a cartoon, which is taken from The Worker, of an Asian creex^ing through a bedroom window, huge knife in hand, and a young fair-haired girl peacefully asleex) in the

foreground.

6 Clark suggests that members of the Nationalist Party were embarrassed

by the enthusiasm Hughes applied to the ideal of White Australia (Clark, 1963:200).

CHAPTER SIX

ETHNIC GROUPS AND THE CLASS STRUCTURE

ETHNICITY, RACE AND CLASS

One aim of this work, given the epistemological position developed in Part I, is to consider possible strategies for altering the position of disadvantaged migrants in the social system. This aim requires firstly, an elaboration of the major social structures and processes in the social system and the implications they have for maintaining the j^osition of migrants in such a system. Secondly, consideration of how these processes and structures may possibly be applied to alter the location of migrants in the social system. These concerns are the focus of this chapter.

There are some important implications for the analysis of ethnic

I