Some ideas in this chapter were explored in Barnett 997a.

Again, because o f ANU dissertation guidelines which impose a word limit, some related aspects have been relegated to appendix II. There is also extensive use o f footnotes.

narratives as there are people, communities, societies, religions, states and ways of life” (Toynbee 1966: 88). This chapter seeks to synthesise certain relevant

narratives to elicit common understandings. Hence this chapter is not a study of history drawing on primary sources; it is a particular interpretation of history based on a synthesis of others’ interpretations, combined with the normative stance and intellectual purpose of this thesis.4

In short, this chapter is not intended as a review of competing historical narratives, nor does it claim to offer any original historical insights. The aim here is to synthesise others’ interpretations of history to present a history of

environmental insecurity. A secondary aim is to use ‘insecurity'’ as a theme to interpret history.4 This chapter is not without certain biases, mostly arising from the author’s understanding of society which inescapably influences the particular historical narrative that follows (see Petulla 1985). Bias also emanates from the predominantly Western and masculine emphasis of the other macro histories from which this chapter draws (Boulding’s The Underside o f History helps compensate for this). There are also difficulties in understanding and interpreting the past using contemporary forms of language which reflect the particular culture and world views of our age (Bookchin 1982).

A degree of historical credibility is sought by a deliberate reading across perspectives and disciplines, a preference for ‘academically credible’ texts, a conscious effort to remain true to sources, and an emphasis on broad trends. Thus the analysis seeks to lessen dependence on any single approach or perspective. This helps ensure that what is common is indeed common, but raises the recurrent problem of balancing depth and breadth, thus: “one must choose between not advancing at all and being dragged down into a bottomless bog of speculation. Let the reader be warned..” (Mumford 1961: 70).

This chapter is structured according to Boyden’s Western Civilisation in Biohistorical Perspective (1987) where human history is loosely divided into four

J This chapter might be understood as ‘environmental history’. The bulk o f ‘environmental history’ published to date focuses on changes in the biosphere from a biophysical

perspective. There is less material available which focuses on the interaction between human culture and the biosphere. The difference is one of detail, the former discusses environmental change whereas the latter discusses the relationship between environmental and social change, or “the dialectic between nature and culture, the interaction of humans with the rest of nature through time” (Bailes 1985: 5). This chapter conforms more to this latter type of environmental history.

4 This is considered to be a relatively unique approach, although security/insecurity is used at times by Bookchin (1982) and Rifkin (1991).

ecological phases.5 Others such as Mannion (1991), McMichael (1993), Miller (1994), M umford (1961), Ponting (1991) and Toynbee (1966) loosely fit into the four phase model. The first phase concerns the earliest and longest stage o f human history up until the advent o f agriculture some 10,000 years ago. This first phase is called the hunter-gatherer phase. The second phase - the early farm ing phase - began approximately 10,000 years ago with the gradual emergence o f settled agricultural communities. The third phase - the early urban phase - began approximately 5,000 years ago with the emergence o f cities. The last ecological phase o f history - the industrial revolution or ‘high energy phase’ - began around 200 years ago (Boyden 1987). It is important to note the shortening tim e spans o f each successive phase. Each o f these four phases is considered in turn. The availability o f information and the acceleration o f history means that more attention is given to progressively later stages. It should be stressed that the transition between each phase occurs incrementally. The following discussion generalises across tim e and space to some extent, but to reiterate, the analysis seeks not precision, but rather to identify general trends.

3.2 The Primeval (Hunter-Gatherer) Phase

The hunter-gatherer phase begins with emergence o f the genus Homo erectus (the ancestors o f Homo sapiens sapiens) some 1.5 to 2 m illion years ago, and

nominally ends with the emergence o f settled agriculture some 10,000 years ago (Boyden 1987).6 7 The hunter-gatherer lifestyle was the only way o f life for tens o f thousands o f generations. Two basic generalisations about this phase are valid: all hominids were relatively nomadic, and they gathered and foraged for their food. For the most part these early humans “were integral rather than dominant ecosystem components” (M annion 1991: 80).

One o f the principal sources o f uncertainty for hunter-gatherers was the availability o f food. Food supply was not sufficiently regular that hunter-gatherers could settle in one place. In times o f drought or flood the group’s chances o f survival were greatly increased by their ability to move to new and more

5 The use of ‘phases’ should not be taken to infer the complete passing of each preceding phase, each still exists to some degree.

6 Modem humans - Homo sapiens sapiens - are thought to have evolved some 100,000 years ago (see appendix II).

7 It should be stressed that the following observations are highly generalised because “prehistory is a big place” (Wall 1994: 21).

hospitable environs and to refuge areas. So, adaptability through mobility provided food security. Hunter-gatherers ate from all levels of the food chain including plants, tissue from herbivorous animals and tissue from carnivorous animals. However, as a general rule, our ancestors derived most of their somatic energy from sources lower down the food chain (plants) (Boulding 1992a). Compared to modem Western diets the intake of animal fats was low. An important aspect of the hunter-gatherer diet was the diversity of foods consumed. This was conducive to good health. It also ensured stability of supply as there was no over-dependence on any single plant or animal which might not be regularly available due to seasonal and annual fluctuations. Whole group participation in food gathering and preparation also contributed to reliability of supply. There was equality in food availability among members of the group. Boulding estimates that women supplied up to 80% of the diet by weight and had a wealth of knowledge about plants, and says that although less risky than hunting, female food procurement had a “high survival value” (Boulding 1992a: 65).

In addition to uncertainty about food availability, nature (external) posed other risks. The risk of death and injury from accidents, infections, other animals, natural disasters, floods and droughts was ever-present (Tuan 1979). The absence of permanent shelter made the effects of climate pronounced. There was a much greater risk of serious injury and death at all stages of the life cycle. The constant fluctuations in the world around the primeval person equated to an ever changing mosaic of risks.

Hunter-gatherers lived in small groups. Average group size was around 25 people, but varied according to food availability. In times of relative abundance there could be up to 100 people in the group (Boyden 1987, Boulding 1992a). Hunter-gatherers made conscious efforts to keep the size of the group in balance with food availability (Miller 1994, Ponting 1991). McMichael estimates that fertility in these times was in the order of 30 births per 1,000 people per annum, and that women had 5 children on average (1993: 113). The global population of hunter-gatherers late in this phase is estimated to be in the order of 5 million

8 Somatic energy is “that energy which is expended, through metabolic processes, within