Perhaps one o f the most consistent findings in the literature has concerned differences in the extent to which males and females seek social support as a coping strategy. Specifically, a number o f studies have documented how females are more likely to turn to social support than males (e.g. Frydenberg, 1993, Frydenberg & Lewis, 1991; Patterson & McCubbin, 1987; Seiffge-Krenke & Shulman, 1990). Regarding the coping strategies adopted by males and females more generally, research would suggest that adolescent boys are more likely to use physical recreation, ignore, avoid and keep problems to themselves. Adolescent girls, on the other hand, are more likely to use social support seeking, wishful thinking, tension reduction strategies, self blame and worry (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993; 1999; Halstead, Johnson & Cunningham,
1993).
There is also some evidence to suggest that boys and girls may differ in terms o f the types o f social support they receive. Piko’s (1998) factor analytic study found that adolescent girls tended to receive more emotional, informational and practical support, while adolescent boys received more rational-material support. Interestingly, the study also found that task-oriented guidance showed a significant, non-supportive relationship with the frequency o f psychosomatic symptoms among boys.
Explanations for the gender difference in the use o f social support have tended to focus on differences in social constructions o f sex roles and consequent expectations - whereby men are viewed as ‘instrumental’, rational and independent and women as ‘expressive’, emphasising their supportiveness and emotional orientation (Bem, 1974).
Following on from studies investigating the use of social support in the context o f more general coping efforts, studies of help-seeking behaviour have examined in more detail such variables as who adolescents do turn to for support, and for what types of problems. Such studies have found adolescents to be highly selective in who they ask for support. Similarly to the findings in adults, for instance, studies have found that support from professionals is rarely sought - even when adolescents are extremely distressed. Rather adolescents most commonly turn to peers or family (Whitaker et al, 1990), and who they approach seems to be largely a function o f the type o f problem encountered (e.g. Seiffge-Krenke, 1993; Wintre & Crowley, 1993).
In addition to characteristics o f the problem, an individual’s age and gender may also influence his/her choice o f support. With regards to the latter, males have been found to be less likely to ask their peers for help compared to girls, and are more likely to ask their parents. With regards to the former, younger compared to older adolescents are more likely to turn to family members for support (Boldero & Fallon, 1995). Of relevance, it has been suggested that support structures may undergo dramatic changes during the period of adolescence, as individuals begin to move away from parents and develop more peer-based orientations (Vaux, 1985). In spite of adolescents’ pursuit of independence, however, parental acceptance, empathy and support have been argued to remain essential foundations for developmental progress (Avison & McAlpine, 1992; Grotevant & Cooper, 1985; Powers et al, 1989).
Regardless o f such general trends, much individual variation exists and the situation is generally complicated. Frydenberg & Lewis (1993) concluded on the basis o f their study that boys and girls used social support selectively, and that there was a complex
interplay between the personal, situational and mediating factors that determined the coping strategies used by adolescents. For instance, the issue o f trust emerged as an important determinant o f whether young people would turn to others as a source o f support in their study. Within this context, boys were noted to have less trust in others and a consequently greater reluctance to turn to others for support. The individual’s confidence to confront, and the consequences for him/her following a confrontation, were also important determinants o f whether the strategy was used again in future situations. Similarly Boldero & Fallon (1995) suggested that individuals’ decision making regarding help seeking represented a complex social-cognitive process, influenced amongst other things by age, gender and the type o f problem experienced.
Thus, in summary, the support adolescents receive from different sources, and their reasons for seeking or rejecting it, would appear to be complicated. The situation for YOs leaving YOIs may be particularly complex. Firstly, in terms o f structure, YOs may be exposed to a greater diversity o f social systems than the majority o f their non- offending peers. These include continued contact with probation officers and members o f the newly established YOTs. Furthermore, a number o f YOs may lack continuing and stable sources of support from more traditional sources such as family. Many will return to live in care or in hostels on release, with potential implications for the support they can expect to receive. For those who do return to live with parents or partners, relationships may have been affected by the separation caused by the young person’s imprisonment in a manner difficult to predict. The influence o f peer support in the case o f delinquent individuals is known to be complex and potentially negative in its effects on the individual’s antisocial behaviour. Finally, the types o f support YOs
draw on, the benefits they accrue from doing so, and their selective use of different sources of support for different purposes also requires elucidation.