Given the constitutional entrenchment of Roman Catholicism as the religion of Malta, the mandatory provision of (only) Roman Catholic RE in all state schools,
and of agreements25 with the Holy See and the Episcopal Conference on religious
instruction, the current RE settlement in Malta can be described as one of monopoly Catholicism. Halsall and Roebben (2008: 20) categorise Malta’s approach to Religious Education as a “denominational RE system for all” within a “uniform solution with strong state intervention”, this being in contrast to the “pluriform or mixed solution with weak state intervention” of a number of other EU member states. Within this settlement, the Constitution protects freedom of conscience and of worship through clauses permitting the ‘opt-out’ of Catholic RE. In 1991, 0.08% children opted out of
the confessional RE in state schools (Vella, 1992); in 200926, out of 36,000 pupils in
In the state school sector, the Maltese Episcopal Conference “establishes the teaching methods, programmes and texts for students” (Secretariat for Catechesis, 2008:22). The Episcopal Conference also regulates teacher appointments in Religious Education and in primary education. The settlements reached between the State and the Holy See and the Episcopal Conference, however, bind all schools with Catholic pupils to a prescribed RE programme. State-dependent church schools and independent schools have more curricular freedom than do state schools.
In most primary schools, there is currently neither an alternative RE or Values Education programme for those who opt-out nor is there a separate space for them to engage in other work. Moreover, the Catholic school culture of state and other schools which permeates everyday life in schools functions as an “integrated curriculum” (Mawhinney, 2007). Parents of ethnic minority or minority belief immigrant children contest the way the ‘opt-out’ of RE clause is implemented. Ms Sacco of the Vassalli State School talks about how she negotiated with a Muslim parent to let his child re- main in class during prayers and RE as well as take part in assembly. She drew on the fact that with its Semitic use of the word “Alla” for God, Maltese Catholics are praying to the same Allah. Here, and on other occasions, this principal uses her discretion, a discretion borne of toleration, to accommodate requests for other faith prayers to be said in the assembly, but this remains a concession rather than a right granted.
For example, when you first say to them [parents] ‘Listen, the child has to remain in class [during RE]’ [he replies] ‘Because I don’t want him to learn about this or that’. I reply ‘There is one Alla27 and He is the same for all’. Because even Assembly. Sometimes they do not want to participate in Assembly. ‘There is one Alla’. So we are praying in our language, and they are praying in their language. I have a class in which a parent asked that the prayer before break is said in his language for his religion. Why not?
For many parents of Muslim children, however, this is a minimal toleration that is so much like assimilation that it is unacceptable (Darmanin, 2010). Not only is no alternative provided for religious minorities or those with no faith, but in state schools principals argue that, because they do not have the staff to supervise other activities or rooms in which these pupils may be safely looked after, the only alternative is that the children actually remain in class during RE. During the 2008 period of fieldwork, I observed a number of RE lessons in two state schools in which up to six children per class were given other activities to pursue whilst their peers followed the RE lesson. As Ms Sacco puts it, despite the ethno-religious diversity in her school, children are kept in class during Catholic RE.
I have children, off my head I can’t tell you. However, I have Muslims, Orthodox, Buddhist, Anglican – I have diverse religions. So far, the same [class], thank God, I have no problems. What we do, I don’t have the staff so that every time they have RE I can take them out of the class to do something else. So I make it clear to parents as soon as they come to register [the children] that they are going to be in class, but doing something else. For example, I know
that in class, at the time of religion, I mean Catholic faith, the children look things up about their own faith on the Internet. Some colour things in, others write.
According to her, “parents have become accustomed to it”, an expression which car- ries the trace of the implicit subordination or adjustments made by minorities that toleration presumes.
The Episcopal Conference has other rights, such as to indicate to the Minister of Education any teaching in syllabi or texts in other subjects “which is at variance with the Catholic Church”. Borg’s (2006) study of other curricular subjects such as social studies and history demonstrates the hegemony of the Catholic perspective and culture in many school subjects and practices.
Policy-makers’ awareness of this ethos indicates both a taken-for-granted element as well as the evolution of a discourse which is moving from one of toleration to one
of recognition and respect. The Dean of the Faculty of Education28 talks about the
morning assembly with prayers and singing of the national anthem as “typical” of schools. She goes on to discuss whole school projects, outings and blogs and websites set up all around the theme of the Pauline Year.
You know, religious hymn as well, then it’s time for announcements and, depending on whether there are particular festivities or the time of year ... for example, I’m sure that yesterday, since it was Ash Wednesday there must have been, if not an assembly, children who had Mass, or who actually had the putting of the ashes on the forehead or the head. If it was ... if this year we’re celebrating the Pauline year, I know that some schools have had school projects about the Pauline year. They even had blogs and websites set up, it was an entire school project. So children were taken on outings, if they went to Valletta they visited St Paul the Shipwrecked Church. Again, it will vary...
Ms Sacco, of the Vassalli State School, who in many other ways indicates she would like to go beyond toleration to the respect and recognition of egalitarian tolerance, shows how she too internalises a dominant discourse in which religious minorities “obviously” do not participate.
Hmm, let me put it this way. As religious practice in the school, we have Mass every [first Friday] of the month. Coming up to Christmas we have a Novena, where even the children – it has become customary for the children to make [Advent] wreaths. They are blessed [by the parish priest]. ... During Holy Week we set up an Apostles’ Table. A complete exhibition and the children prepare for it. Then we launch the Opening of it, and the Priest explains the praying, and so on. Children of other religions, they come down [to the Hall] or do some work, but obviously they do not participate.
Some of her ‘concessions’ include that on a Wednesday the ‘special assembly’ is held in English. The prayer is prepared by all the children whose class is responsible for this. Similarly, Ms Felice of the Patri Said State school declares that she has no “alter- native space” for withdrawal during RE. She considers that it is up to the Directorate
of Education to provide “a structure in place” so that whoever opts out of RE is pro- vided with an alternative. Also in her school, as in the two schools with large groups of religious minority pupils reviewed by Calleja et al. (2010), Catholic prayer is said throughout the day, in the morning assembly, before a break in class. Minority religion children often say it along with the majority children.
The teachers lead it [lunch break] in the hall. No, sorry in the yard. They gather all the Year 5, 6 ... and there the 3 and 4 and they say the prayer. Then everyone goes up and has a snack. After that, they all say a prayer before they start the lesson. And this repeats itself in the morning break.
Typical of the state and church schools studied in the REMC project, Patri Said29
school is not only dedicated to the monk whose name and biography adorn a plaque as one enters the school, but other religious symbols, especially the crucifix which occupies practically every room in the school, visually surround every pupil, Catholic or not. Ms Felice condenses the significance of this symbolic capture thus: “that’s Catholicism, the heart of it”.
The signs, the symbols. As you enter you realise it is Catholic [school], because of the Cru- cifixes. In each class there is a crucifix. Through the prayers we say, we make the sign of the cross. Symbols all the time, here they are. We celebrate Christmas, the birth of Jesus, His death, resurrection. That’s Catholicism, the heart of it.