The period from before birth to early childhood is foundational to the lifelong learning journey (Battiste, 2005). During infancy and early childhood, emotional, physical, intellectual, and spiritual capacities are developed providing a basis for future
development. Historically, First Nations children spent the first years of their lives with their extended family, who all shared responsibility for their upbringing (RCAP, 1996). In this environment, children received the language, values, and knowledge needed to survive on the land. While traditional child-rearing practices are still utilized in many First Nations families, they have also been disrupted due to the impacts of colonization and social change.
Reflecting the changing social environment, First Nations leaders, organizations, scholars, and parents have increasingly called for formalized services designed to meet children’s learning and care needs, commonly referred to as early learning and child care (ELCC)13 (AFN, 1989; AFN, 2005; AFN, 2012; Greenwood and Shawana, 2000; Native Council of Canada, 1990; Native Women’s Association of Canada, 2005). ELCC has been linked to a host of benefits for children, including greater school readiness, higher postsecondary attendance, increased earnings, and more pro-social behaviour (Barnett, 1995; Muennig et al, 2009; Reynolds et al, 2011). Families are also said to benefit, primarily because child care programs allow parents to participate in the labour force (National Council of Welfare, 1999; Shellenback, 2004).
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Early learning and child care (ELCC) refers to learning and care services provided for infants and young children. In the literature, the terms “early childhood education and care”, “early childhood development services”, and “early childhood care and development”, among others, are also used. These terms are largely considered to be synonymous. The term early learning and child care (ELCC) is used in this paper as it is the most commonly used term in the Canadian context.
While there is a large body of research focused on early learning and child care, very little literature has examined the ELCC experiences of First Nations children and
families. The reports that do exist generally assume that First Nations children experience the same benefits from ELCC as other children, including improved school readiness and health-promoting behaviours (AFN, 2012; Ball, 2008; Preston et al, 2012; RCAP, 1996). In addition to these overarching benefits, however, ELCC has been conceptualized as an integral part of self-government (Greenwood and De Leeuw, 2004); a means of
reinforcing Indigenous culture, language, and identity (AFN, 1989; RCAP, 1996); a hub for community engagement and inter-sectoral service delivery (Ball, 2005; Ball, 2009), as well as a “critical site for cultural rejuvenation, for the (re)building of community, and for the establishment of healthy Aboriginal communities in the future” (Greenwood, 2009). Not all early learning initiatives, however, are created equal, and much of the existing literature has focused on understanding and defining “quality” in First Nations ELCC contexts (Ball, 2009; Best Start Resource Centre, 2010; Greenwood, 2009; Greenwood and Shawana, 2000; Preston, 2008; Preston et al, 2012; Stairs and Bernhard, 2002). A key theme running throughout this literature is that for First Nations ELCC to be of high- quality, it must be culturally-based and community driven. The right of First Nations communities to control their own systems of education has long been asserted, and early learning is considered to be one piece of the larger education framework (AFN, 1989; AFN, 2010; National Indian Brotherhood, 1972; Native Council of Canada, 1990; Native Women’s Association of Canada, 2005; RCAP, 1996). The arguments for First Nations control of education have been remarkably consistent over the last forty years, and are echoed in the First Nations ELCC literature today. At the core, First Nations assert that education is critical to the transmission of cultural and linguistic identity. This is vital not only to the continuation of First Nations languages and cultures, but also to fostering pride and a positive sense of self in First Nations children.
A second key theme in the literature on quality First Nations ELCC is the importance of caregiver and extended family involvement (Preston et al, 2012; Greenwood, 2009; Best Start Resource Centre, 2010; Greenwood and Shawana, 2000; Preston, 2008). Involving
caregivers and extended family members, including elders, in the ELCC environment can promote intergenerational linkages and help children to see the early learning centre as a safe place. This is reflective of traditional First Nations practices, in which all community members have a role and responsibility in the care and education of children (RCAP, 1996). The importance of including caregivers in decision-making processes is also emphasized, which is seen both as a way to help ensure that programming is meeting each child’s needs and that the caregiver is being empowered.
Involving caregivers and community members in ELCC initiatives may also contribute to broader community engagement. In a study of three First Nations communities located in British Columbia, Ball (2005; 2009) found that community-based child-care services can act as a “hook” to bring community members together and promote greater access to a wide range of wellness programs and supports. In these communities, the child care centre is designed to be the “hub” in a larger system of family and community-centred supports, including health services and cultural activities. Both parents and service providers stated that while parents are often hesitant to seek supports for themselves or other family members, they are willing and interested in accessing child care services. By co-locating the child care services with other community supports, parents become aware of and eventually more comfortable accessing a wide range of programs and activities. In the communities studied, this mobilized community members in support of child
development and promoted social cohesion.
Only a handful of evaluative studies have been conducted examining the effectiveness of ELCC programming in meeting stated objectives, and all have been focused on
Aboriginal Head Start (AHS) (Cruz and McCarthy, 2010; Health Canada, 2003; Health Canada, 2010; Mashford-Pringle, 2012; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2002; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2012). AHS is a federally funded initiative that provides primarily centre-based programming for pre-school age children. Separate funding mechanisms exist for on-reserve and off-reserve populations. The off-reserve component, known as Aboriginal Head Start in Urban and Northern Communities (AHSUNC), was started in 1994-95, while Aboriginal Head Start On reserve (AHSOR) began in 1998.
Both programs have been found to be highly regarded by children, parents, community members, and federal bureaucrats. Findings from the evaluation studies suggest that the programs improve children’s school-readiness, promote healthy behaviours, and increase cultural knowledge (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2012; Health Canada, 2003; Mashford-Pringle, 2012). Anecdotal evidence suggests that families and communities also benefit, but the results have not been consistently tracked (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2012; Mashford-Pringle, 2012). It should be noted, however, that the
methodological shortcomings of these studies, which include small sample sizes, cross- sectional designs, and inability to capture program variations, have limited the
conclusions that can be drawn about program outcomes and have in many ways highlighted the challenges associated with determining appropriate and measurable evaluative criteria. Nonetheless, the findings have been encouraging.
From a policy perspective, child care and development are issues that have long been of concern to the Canadian government (Standing Senate Committee, 2009). Views on the appropriate role of government in child care and early learning, however, vary widely and it is a highly contested space. While considerable attention has been paid to federal ELCC policy (Friendly, 2000; Friendly et al, 2002; OECD, 2006; Standing Senate Committee, 2009), analysis of federal policy specific to ELCC in First Nations communities has been lacking. The purpose of this chapter is to elucidate the policy framework used by the federal government to guide First Nations ELCC initiatives. To understand the present, however, it is necessary to look to the past. Thus, this chapter begins by critically analyzing the history of federal First Nations ELCC policy in Canada. The initial intention was to focus exclusively on First Nations ELCC policy. It quickly became apparent, however, that this history could not be divorced from wider federal ELCC initiatives. To understand the relationship between these two policy tracks, this chapter interweaves the history of ELCC policy focused on First Nations children and families with national ELCC policy developments. Utilizing frame analysis, particular attention is paid to the various ways in which care and learning have been constructed. In addition, this chapter includes an analysis of national survey data on the early learning
and care experiences of First Nations children and families. The focus is on examining how this data can inform our understanding of First Nations ELCC policy in Canada, and what data gaps remain.
In summary, this chapter examines three primary research questions:
1. What is the historical role and relationship of the federal government in the financing and delivery of First Nations early learning and child care?
2. What is the current state of federal ELCC policy for First Nations in Canada? 3. How can available national data inform policy development?