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CHAPTER FIVE

5.2 K œ inga

This research assumed from the beginning that family played a decisive role in shaping and affecting Tongan male learners in higher education. Findings from this research reveal very strong indictments against kœinga, extended family as a makatƈkia for Tongan males’ participation, retention, and completion of higher education; in particular, these relate to lack of resources and space, responsibilities, relationships, and motivations. Most Tongan kœinga who relocated during the first and second waves of migration were not well educated, and worked as low-paid, unskilled laborers (Fusitu’a & Coxon, 1998; Fa’anunu, 2007; Tu’itahi, 2009). Inexperience in this new country, as well as poor communication skills, made it probable that there would be looming

KĈinga Peers, friends, and fiancees Finance Self- perception and belief TĈ and VĈ Lotu Institutional support

challenges trying to build a successful family life. Study participants’ (N38) spoke strongly of the adversities and challenges imposed bykœingaon male learners.

5.2.1 Lack of resources and space

Participants (N33) stated that Tongans centered their life on kœinga, extended families. The strong affinity to kinship allowed Tongans to live with big extended families. Realistically this is true, as within a normal, Tongan household you could find relatives who have come from Tonga for further education, families that are visiting or been granted visas through the Pasifika Quota Access, or others who have been here but are now overstaying. In addition are the daily visitors of friends, relatives, and church and community people. This was, essentially, a survival strategy, where resources and space were shared (‘Alatini, 2004; Kalœvite, 2010; ދOtunuku, 2011; Tu’itahi, 2009); however it

poses severe limitations on resources and space pertaining to successful participation and completion of higher education. Higher education needs quality time and adequate space for completion of assignments, deep reflection, and critical readings. Feedback and responses from this research identified strong perceptions and indictments pertaining to the obstacles of large families with limited space. Two of my participants related their experiences:

Hoputu: Both my parents migrated here in the 1980s. Both were not well educated and found life here in Aotearoa unbearable at times. There were many of us, included uncles, aunts, and cousins who were illegally sharing spaces with us and everything was not

home environment was not helping either; we have to get used to it, having to go without some basic stuff for some time. My desire to pursue higher education was severely compromised. (Tœlave)

Matu: I find it very frustrating when I have people around at home, yelling and making all sort of noises, and are very inconsiderate of what you do. However, our kind of home having people and relatives around, sharing things, and families staying over for weeks from the islands, were not conducive to my learning. (Tœlave)

Study participants (N33) mentioned that lack of resources and space at home had generated a lot of obstacles, such as poor attitude and behaviour, absence of motivation and incentive, lower self-esteem, and poor health. One of the key barriers that participants described was their home environment not being conducive to study; lack of space was often one of the primary causes. Most students found that the best time to study was late at night, when living spaces were free for them to do their work. Tongans have a strong sense of kinship, which is seen in how people relate to each other, including how they look after relatives when they visit. Consequently, the timing and endless arrival of these visits inherently affects male learners. The frequency of having quite large groups travelling from the islands for work, sports, or community or school fundraising was quite high.

Participants noted that this was a major distraction, as revealed in the voices of these two respondents:

Siale Tonga: I still remember that when I grew up I had to share the room with 4-6 of my brothers and cousins. It was very overcrowded, having no sense of privacy, or solitude. I learnt to know that there is no such thing as privacy, and trying to put an effort to complete assignments or study for an exam, is always a challenge. I had to do it somewhere else (Talanoa).

Hone: I remember having to stay with my family in the garage, because my parents were overstayers. In the cold and winter months, we had to squeeze tight to make us warm. We moved from place to place trying to avoid being caught and sent home. We also had to change school from time to time, and that affected us. None of us made it to uni or polytechnic; it was just too much living the life I lived (Talanoa).

5.2.2 Conflicting responsibilities

Tongan males are taught to step up and accept family responsibilities, for example providing for their families, especially their younger brothers or sisters, or lending a helping hand to their parents or extended families. Many of this study’s participants grew up in large families and were acquainted with these responsibilities; however, some felt it was a conflicting burden, and had had to choose between pursuing their educational dream and fulfilling their family responsibilities. Others tried to do both, although in the end their educational endeavours were commonly compromised. One participant related this:

rugby, but I decided to give my parents a helping hand by working after high school. Being the oldest I believe it is my personality to help provide a secured future for my younger brothers and sisters and help them to achieve that. (Tœlave)

Participants (N35) also understood the magnitude of having diverse responsibilities, especially with big families, or trying to get started with a young family. Another participant talked about the burden of family responsibilities, such as funerals, birthdays, marriages, and community fundraising:

Tokemoana: I am always overwhelmed by how we Tongans keep up with the cost of funerals, marriage, birthdays, and attending community fundraisings. Not to mention when our relatives are visiting us and are returning home, we also make monetary donations, from our limited earnings (Tœlave).

Tokemoana’s concerns represent those of a significant amount of this study’s participants, especially those of New Zealand-born Tongans, who see no value in remaining attached to these cultural and social protocols (Kalœvite, 2010; ދOtunuku, 2011; Vaioleti, 2011) and view spending money on them as unnecessary and needless. Most participants openly shared about the burden of looking after their family, and its ripple effects on their educational endeavours. Pako’s story, below, explains one of the disadvantages of having large families, because of its overburdening responsibilities.